Pub/Ed
The Radical Press
Canada’s Radical News Network
“Digging to the root of the issues since 1998″
I never heard back from CC Johnston on this matter and so I filed another application on December 30th, 2013 stating the reasons as:
“The complainants (Richard Warman and Harry Abrams) and the police investigators (Terry Wilson and Normandie Levas) are relevant and necessary witnesses for the purpose of the preliminary inquiry. The Crown is refusing to to call these witnesses. I respectfully request that the Crown be compelled to produce these witnesses.”
As a result a hearing date was set for January 3rd, 2014. During the hearing Crown argued that they didn’t have to produce any witnesses that they chose not to and downplayed the whole notion of the importance of the Preliminary Hearing process. I was given a fourteen page document indexed as: United States of America v. Shephard [1977] 2 S.C.R. 1067. This document, according to both Judge Morgan and Crown Counsel Johnston, clearing showed that the threshold to be met in order to justify ordering a trial to be held was so low as to be practically impossible to refute.
Prior to the January 3rd date the Judge had set another date of January 7th, 2014 for what is called a “focus hearing” which, translated into English, means a time to go over the ins and outs of what would be transpiring during the upcoming Preliminary Hearing on Jan. 22nd. He then decided to deal with that matter too on the 3rd and skip the Jan. 7th date. It was during this hearing that Judge Morgan addressed the issue of the thousands of emails which were still on my stolen computers and had not been returned to me. I told the judge that they were relevant to my defence and that they should be returned as part of the disclosure package which had already been returned some months ago. The judge concurred with my argument and after some discussion with Crown directed CC Johnston to contact Det. Cst. Wilson and have him return all of my email correspondence to me. He gave the Crown until January 14th to prepare a response to his recommendation and it was on that date that I was to return to court to find out the results. When I appeared on January 14th I learned that the emails had been downloaded to a file that was supposedly being sent up to the Crown’s office and that I would be notified as soon as it arrived. Judge Morgan told me to contact Crown Counsel’s office if I didn’t hear anything after a couple of days.
Having made this announcement to Judge Morgan and myself CC Johnston then added that nothing more would be forthcoming as a result of it until after the upcoming Preliminary Inquiry when an application would then be made to the court in order that Crown might attempt to impose new restrictions on me to prevent me from publishing any more truthful articles and opinions on RadicalPress.com
. One further thing needs to be added to this update prior to closing off. This morning, January 16th, 2014 I sent a letter to Crown Counsel Johnston informing her that I had subpoenaed two witnesses to appear in my defence for the Preliminary Inquiry slated for January 22nd, 2013. In that letter I wrote: “Please take notice that I have subpoenaed and will be calling two witnesses for the Preliminary Inquiry to be held on January 22nd, 2014.Mr. Frank Frost will be appearing to testify on the urgency to maintain an alternative news media here in British Columbia in order to ensure that criminal activities on the part of the RCMP, the Judiciary and the Attorney General’s office (Crown) are exposed to the general public. Mr. Frost is a strong, knowledgable advocate and expert witness in the areas of children and family advocacy and pedophelia within B.C.’s judiciary.
Mr. Lonny Landrud will also be appearing to testify on the importance of maintaining an alternative new media. Mr. Landrud is an expert, knowledgeable witness in the area of judicial misfeasance as it pertains to his own case. Mr. Landrud was witness to a murder of a young woman in Quesnel by RCMP officers and subsequent to reporting this heinous crime to the RCMP has been the subject of numerous attempts on his life by the RCMP. In one instance Mr. Landrud was forced to shoot, in self-defence, an RCMP officer who was attempting to murder him in his home. Since the advent of these events Mr. Landrud has been unable to have his case investigated at any level of government after years of sincere effort and the mainstream news media has refused to investigate or cover his plight. Mr. Landrud will be speaking to the court on the pressing need for an alternative news media that will and does cover his untold story.”
The next few days will be spent preparing for the Preliminary Inquiry. I will send out another update sometime after the 22nd and let readers know what transpired on that day.
For Peace, Freedom of Speech and Justice for All,
Arthur Topham
Publisher/Editor
The Radical Press
Canada’s Radical News Network
i. Standard of Review 2
PART I – STATEMENT OF FACTS 4
PART II – ISSUES 9
PART III – ARGUMENT 10
A. Did the learned sentencing Judge err in law and principle by failing to consider and apply the principle of restraint? 10
B. Did the learned sentencing Judge err by overemphasizing the principle of deterrence while paying insufficient attention to the individual circumstances of the Appellant? 13
C. Did the learned sentencing Judge err in law by, in effect, sentencing the Appellant for criminal contempt, notwithstanding that this Court has convicted him of civil contempt, and the Commission proceeded on that basis at the Sentencing Hearing? 14
i. Parity Principle 16
D. Did the learned sentencing Judge err in law by declining to consider the mitigating factor that the Appellant had been in prison for 22 days as a result of criminal charges involving the same complainant and substantially the same evidence? 18
PART IV – CONCLUSION AND NATURE OF RELIEF REQUESTED 26
PART V – LIST OF AUTHORITIES 28
Court File No.: A-493-12
FEDERAL COURT OF APPEAL
BETWEEN:
tERRy TREMAINE
APPELLANT
and
Canadian human rights commission
and
richard warman
RESPONDENTS
MEMORANDUM OF FACT AND LAW OF THE APPELLANT
Put simply, absent an error in principle, failure to consider a relevant factor, or an overemphasis of the appropriate factors, a court of appeal should only intervene to vary a sentence imposed at trial if the sentence is demonstrably unfit.
… I believe that a court of appeal should only intervene to minimize the disparity of sentences where the sentence imposed by the trial judge is in substantial and marked departure from the sentences customarily imposed for similar offenders committing similar crimes.
This Court considers what constitutes “unreasonable” in R. v. Berntson and “demonstrably unfit” in R. v. Pankewich. In Pankewich, Jackson J.A., for the Court, described demonstrable unfitness as follows:
[31] …”Demonstrably unfit” has been equated with unreasonableness (see Shropshire at para. 46); “sentences which are clearly or manifestly excessive” (see Shropshire at para. 47 quoting the Nova Scotia Court of Appeal in R. v. Pepin (1990), 98 N.S.R. (2d) 238 (N.S.C.A.) at 251); “falling outside the ‘acceptable range”‘ (see Shropshire at para. 50); sentences where there is a “substantial and marked departure from the sentences customarily imposed for similar offenders committing similar crimes” (see M. (C.A.) at para. 92) … McDonnell [[1997] 1 S.C.R. 948] also states that a wide deviation from the accepted “starting-point” of sentencing for an offence will not, in and of itself, render a sentence demonstrably unfit, but rather is a factor in determining demonstrable unfitness…
Error in principle is a familiar basis for reviewing the exercise of judicial discretion. It connotes, at least, failing to take into account a relevant factor, taking into account an irrelevant factor, failing to give sufficient weight to relevant factors, overemphasizing relevant factors and, more generally, it includes an error of law.
The authorities are clear that a Court should take special care in imposing a sentence of imprisonment upon a first offender. The trial judge should have either a pre-sentence report or some very clear statement with respect to the accused’s background and circumstances. This is particularly true of youthful offenders such as the appellant. Further it has been recognized that except for very serious offences and offences involving violence, the primary objective of individual deterrence can be best achieved by either a suspended sentence or probation or a very short term of imprisonment followed by a term of probation. (see R. v. Gladue, 1999 CanLII 679 (SCC), [1999] 1 S.C.R. 688). In R. v. Priest, [1996] O.J. No. 3369, at paragraphs 20 and 23 the Ontario Court of Appeal stated:
The duty to explore other dispositions for a first offender before imposing a custodial sentence is not an empty formalism which can be avoided merely by invoking the objective of general deterrence. It should be clear from the record of the proceedings, preferably in the trial judge’s reasons, why the circumstances of this particular case require that this first offender must receive a sentence of imprisonment. The trial judge had no material before him from which he could possibly have made this determination. His reasons are barren of any lawful justification for such a radical departure from this well-established principle especially in the case of a youthful first offender.
Even if a custodial sentence was appropriate in this case, it is a well-established principle of sentencing laid down by this court that a first sentence of imprisonment should be as short as possible and tailored to the individual circumstances of the accused rather than solely for the purpose of general deterrence. …
Likewise, in R. v. Curran (1973), 57 Cr. App. R. 945 it was noted that,
As a general rule it is undesirable that a first sentence of immediate imprisonment should be very long, disproportionate to the gravity of the offence, and imposed as this sentence was, for reasons of general deterrence, that is as a warning to others. The length of a first sentence is more reasonably determined by considerations of individual deterrence; and what sentence is needed to teach this particular offender a lesson which he has not learnt from the lighter sentences which he has previously received.
Both civil and criminal contempt of court rest on the power of the court to uphold its dignity and process. The rule of law is at the heart of our society; without it there can be neither peace, nor order nor good government. The rule of law is directly dependant on the ability of the courts to enforce their process and maintain their dignity and respect. To maintain their process and respect, courts since the 12th century have exercised the power to punish for contempt of court.
These same courts found it necessary to distinguish between civil and criminal contempt. A person who simply breaches a court order, for example by failing to abide by visiting hours stipulated in a child custody order, is viewed as having committed civil contempt. However, when the element of public defiance of the court’s process in a way calculated to lessen societal respect for the courts is added to the breach, it becomes criminal. This distinction emerges from Poje v. British Columbia (Attorney General), [1953] 1 S.C.R. 516, 17 C.R. 176, 105 C.C.C. 311, [1953] 2 D.L.R. 785, at p. 527 [S.C.R.], per Kellock J.:
The context in which these incidents occurred, the large numbers of men involved and the public nature of the defiance of the order of the court transfer the conduct here in question from the realm of a mere civil contempt, such as an ordinary breach of injunction with respect to private rights in a patent or trade-mark, for example, into the realm of a public depreciation of the authority of the court tending to bring the administration of justice into scorn.
In reviewing the decisions where criminal and civil contempt have been found, it is apparent that most contempt proceedings involving labour/management disputes or civil “protest” disobedience have proceeded as criminal contempt, there is a wide variation in the punishment thought to be appropriate for any particular “type” of contempt, there appears to be little difference between the punishment imposed for criminal contempt and the punishment imposed for civil contempt, but incarceration is usually reserved for situations where criminal contempt has been found.
Indeed, the sentencing regime under Canadian law must be implemented within, and not apart from, the framework of the Charter. Sentencing decisions are always subject to constitutional scrutiny. A sentence cannot be “fit” if it does not respect the fundamental values enshrined in the Charter. Thus, incidents alleged to constitute a Charter violation can be considered in sentencing, provided that they bear the necessary connection to the sentencing exercise. As mitigating factors, the circumstances of the breach would have to align with the circumstances of the offence or the offender, as required by s. 718.2 of the Code. Naturally, the more egregious the breach, the more attention the court will likely pay to it in determining a fit sentence.
This is consistent with the communicative function of sentencing. A proportionate sentence is one that expresses, to some extent, society’s legitimate shared values and concerns.
It is important to observe at the outset that s. 1 has two functions: first, it constitutionally guarantees the rights and freedoms set out in the provisions which follow; and second, it states explicitly the exclusive justificatory criteria (outside of s. 33 of the Constitution Act, 1982) against which limitations on those rights and freedoms must be measured. Accordingly, any s. 1 inquiry must be premised on an understanding that the impugned limit violates constitutional rights and freedoms — rights and freedoms which are part of the supreme law of Canada. As Wilson J. stated in Singh v. Min. of Employment & Immigration, supra, at p. 218:
… it is important to remember that the courts are conducting this inquiry in light of a commitment to uphold the rights and freedoms set out in the other sections of the Charter.
Second, once a sufficiently significant objective is recognized, then the party invoking s. 1 must show that the means chosen are reasonable and demonstrably justified. This involves “a form of proportionality test”: R. v. Big M Drug Mart Ltd., supra, at p. 352. Although the nature of the proportionality test will vary depending on the circumstances, in each case courts will be required to balance the interests of society with those of individuals and groups. There are, in my view, three important components of a proportionality test. First, the measures adopted must be carefully designed to achieve the objective in question. They must not be arbitrary, unfair or based on irrational considerations. In short, they must be rationally connected to the objective. Second, the means, even if rationally connected to the objective in this first sense, should impair “as little as possible” the right or freedom in question: R. v. Big M Drug Mart Ltd., supra, at p. 352. Third, there must be a proportionality between the effects of the measures which are responsible for limiting the Charter right or freedom and the objective which has been identified as of “sufficient importance”.
With respect to the third component, it is clear that the general effect of any measure impugned under s. 1 will be the infringement of a right or freedom guaranteed by the Charter; this is the reason why resort to s. 1 is necessary. The inquiry into effects must, however, go further. A wide range of rights and freedoms are guaranteed by the Charter, and an almost infinite number of factual situations may arise in respect of these. Some limits on rights and freedoms protected by the Charter will be more serious than others in terms of the nature of the right or freedom violated, the extent of the violation, and the degree to which the measures which impose the limit trench upon the integral principles of a free and democratic society. Even if an objective is of sufficient importance, and the first two elements of the proportionality test are satisfied, it is still possible that, because of the severity of the deleterious effects of a measure on individuals or groups, the measure will not be justified by the purposes it is intended to serve. The more severe the deleterious effects of a measure, the more important the objective must be if the measure is to be reasonable and demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.
PART IV – CONCLUSION AND NATURE OF RELIEF REQUESTED
ALL OF WHICH IS RESPECTFULLY SUBMITTED, this ________ day of July, 2013
Legal Aid Saskatchewan
Regina City Area Office
Per:
Andrew L. Hitchcock
Solicitor for the Appellant, Terry Tremaine
Legislation and Rules of Court
Canada Act 1982 (UK), 1982, c. 11
Canadian Criminal Code, R.S.C 1985, c. C-46
Canadian Human Rights Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. H-6
Charter of Rights and Freedoms, as part of The Constitution Act, 1982, Schedule B to the
Federal Court Rules, 1998, SOR/98-106
Jurisprudence
Canada (Attorney General) v. de l’Isle (1994), 56 C.P.R. (3d) 371 (Fed.C.A.)
Canada (H.R.C.) v. Taylor [1990] 3 S.C.R. 892 (S.C.C.)
Canada (Minister of National Revenue) v. Money Stop Ltd. 2013 FC 133
Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency v. U-Compute (2005), 284 F.T.R. 116
Canadian Human Rights Commission v. Winnicki, 2007 FCA 52
International Forest Products Ltd. v. Kern, 2001 BCCA 48
MacMillan Bloedel Ltd. v. Simpson (1994), 88 C.C.C. (3d) 148 (B.C. C.A.)
Penthouse International Ltd. v. 163564 Canada Inc., (1995), 63 C.P.R. (3d) 328 (Fed. T.D.)
Puddester v. Newfoundland (Attorney General), 2001 NFCA 25
R. v. Campeau 2009 SKCA 3
R. v. Downes (2006), 205 C.C.C. (3d) 488 (Ont. C.A.)
R. v. Gladue [1999] 1 S.C.R. 688 (S.C.C.)
R. v. Keegstra [1990] 3 S.C.R. 697 (S.C.C.)
R. v. M. (C.A.) [1996] 1 S.C.R. 500 (S.C.C.)
R. v. Nasogaluak [2010] 1 S.C.R. 206 (S.C.C.)
R. v. Oakes [1986] 1 S.C.R. 103 (S.C.C.)
R. v. Shopshire [1995] 4 S.C.R. 227 (S.C.C.)
R. v. Yue (2007), 226 C.C.C. (3d) 349 (Ont. C.A.); leave to appeal to S.C.C. refused; (2008), 253 O.A.C. 397 (S.C.C.)
Regina (City) v. Cunningham, [1994] 8 W.W.R. 457 (Sask. C.A.)
Salt River First Nation 195 v. Marie, 2006 FC 1420
Telewizja Polsat SA v. Radiopol Inc. 2006 FC 137
Telus Communications Ltd. v. T.W.U. 2006 BCSC 397; reversed in part on the issue of costs; 2008 BCCA 144
U.N.A. v. Alberta (Attorney General) [1992] 1 S.C.R. 901 (S.C.C.)
Saskatchewan (H.R.C.) v. Whatcott 2013 SCC 11
1 (1994), 56 C.P.R. (3d) 371 (Fed.C.A.)
6 (1996), 112 CCC (3rd 97) Ont. C.A.
7 Warman and CHRC v. Terry Tremaine, 2007 CHRT 2 (Appeal Book filed in Court File A-468-10)
8 Appeal Book filed in A-468-10, Vol. 1, Tab 4
10 Appeal Book at p. 240 – 244
13 Appeal Book, at p. 266 – 268, 270
17 See: Rule 469, Federal Courts Rules, SOR/98-106 (“Rules”); and Brilliant Trading Inc. v. Wong, 2005 FC 1214 at para. 15.
21 See especially Ibid at para 32, 54-55
22 Sussex Group Ltd. v. 3933938 Canada Inc., 2003 CanLII 27188 (ON SC)
23 [1999] 1 S.C.R. 688 (S.C.C.)
27 Winnicki, supra note 24 at para. 21
29 [1992] 1 S.C.R. 901 (S.C.C.)
31 See: Penthouse International Ltd. v. 163564 Canada Inc. (1995), 63 C.P.R. (3d) 328 (F.C.T.D.)
33 2006 BCSC 397; reversed in part on the issue of costs; 2008 BCCA 144
34 (1994), 88 C.C.C. (3d) 148 (B.C. C.A.)
35 See Ibid, at para 15-21, 58
36 [1994] 8 W.W.R. 457 (Sask. C.A.)
38 Telus Communications supra, note 33
43 (2006), 205 C.C.C. (3d) 488 (Ont. C.A.)
44 Ibid, see especially: para 30-33
45 See: R. v. Yue (2007), 226 C.C.C. (3d) 349 (Ont. C.A.); leave to appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada refused; (2008), 253 O.A.C. 397 (S.C.C.)
47 Judgment under appeal at para. 25, Appeal Book at p. 12
50 [1990] 3 S.C.R. 892 (S.C.C.)
52 in R. v. Keegstra [1990] 3 S.C.R. 697, the Supreme Court of Canada was clear that even hate propaganda constitutes “political expression” at para. 95
53 [1986] 1 S.C.R. 103 (S.C.C.)
54 Appeal Book filed in Court file A-468-10, Affidavit of Richard Warman, p. 140
56 Bill C-304 An Act to Amend the Canadian Human Rights Act (Protecting Freedom), Royal Assent Statutes of Canada: 2013, c. 37]
“Hate laws” exist to shield privileged groups from criticism and to shut down or stifle debate on key topics, like immigration. Beginning in the 1930s, the Canadian Jewish Congress began lobbying mightily for “hate” laws. Finally, in 1970, thanks to socialist Pierre Trudeau, they succeeded and we got Canada’s notorious “hate law” — Sec. 319 of the Criminal Code.
The latest potential victim is Ezra Levant, himself Jewish but no admirer of the Canadian Jewish Congress. Levant is a lawyer, writer and news commentator on Sun News television.
The delightful thing about “hate laws” is that a privileged minority can holler “hate” and now their critic becomes the object of attack. It’s an old sleazy lawyer’s trick: accuse the accuser. The neat thing is, by whooping up this noise about “hate”. the privilege group avoids having to answer or refute the criticism or deal with unflattering facts because the mere mention of these facts is “hate.”.
The Toronto Star (October 24, 2012) reported:” A complaint about broadcaster Ezra Levant’s rant that likened Gypsies to ‘swindlers’ has prompted a Toronto police investigation. Toronto’s Roma Community Centre, which has called the rant ‘vertly racist, prejudicial, and demeaning,’ lodged the complaint with police on Oct. 11.
Const. Wendy Drummond confirmed Toronto police had received the complaint and were investigating the comments aired on Levant’s Sun News show, The Source, on Sept. 5.
An Oct. 15 statement from Roma Community Centre executive director Gina Csányi-Robah described Levant’s comments as “nearly nine minutes of on-air racist hate-speech targeting our community.” Early in Levant’s segment, “The Jew vs. the Gypsies,” he likened Gypsies with ‘swindlers,’ and said ‘too many have come here as false refugees.’ Levant attempted to qualify his comments by saying politically correct terms are being used to obscure the truth.
Csányi-Robah said called the comments “one of the longest and most sustained on-air broadcasts of hate-speech against any community in Canada that we’ve witnessed since our organization was established in 1997.”
Levant argued: “‘These are gypsies,’ he tells us, ‘a culture synonymous with swindlers. The phrase gypsy and cheater have been so interchangeable historically that the word has entered the English language as a verb: he gypped me. Well the gypsies have gypped us. Too many have come here as false refugees. And they come here to gyp us again and rob us blind as they have done in Europe for centuries. . . They’re gypsies. And one of the central characteristics of that culture is that their chief economy is theft and begging.” (Toronto Star, September 15, 2012)
Forget all the fog about “hate”: the only relevant question is whether what Levant said was true. Do Gypsy “refugees” — not all, of course — commit many crimes, especially theft and shoplifting? Even though our press tends to downplay immigrant crimes, or, as in a recant television news story about Gypsy gangs descending on stores to shoplift that identified the bizarrely dressed perpetrators as dressed in Eastern European costumes, there have been many reports of considerable criminality among the Gypsy “refugee” claimants, many who seem to hit the ground thieving not long after they land.
Even Bernie Farber former CEO of the Canadian Jewish Congress, in a feverish denunciation of Ezra Levant, reluctantly admitted: “There will always be those who claim the Roma engage in lawlessness and crime. And in Europe, statistics do demonstrate a significant increase in theft by those living in Roma encampments. These numbers have been used by French authorities to justify large scale deportations of Roma.|” (National Post, September 25, 2012)
“The Canadian Border Services Agency is asleep at the wheel allowing more than 400 alleged Roma gypsies – many of whom have extensive criminal records – into the country and specifically the GTA, critics say.
This week, the Durham Regional Police Service confirmed they had arrested 34 people and laid 263 charges in the largest investigation of its kind in the region,” CNEWS reported (September 8, 2012)
.
“Former Conservative MPP Toni Skarica, an Ontario Crown Attorney who, speaking at a parliamentary committee, said Roma refugees from Hungary come to Canada because ‘we have the most generous welfare package for refugees in the world. That’s why they’re coming here, because they get the best deal here.’” (Toronto Star, September 15, 2012)
Immigration Minister Jason Kenney has repeatedly denounced the wholesale welfare scamming being perpetrated by many Gypsy “refugee” claimants. And, as to Ezra Levant’s charge that many are phoney refugee claimants, that is the conclusion of the Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board, which rejects the overwhelming number of claims. Think about it. Hungary is a democratic country and part of the European Union. If Gypsies felt persecuted in Hungary, they could move, let’s say to Germany. The rub is that, while they get welfare and many social benefits including housing in Hungary, most other European countries would require them to work. They would not get welfare. So, hey, head to Pollyanna Canada, say the magic “:refugee” word, scarf up welfare and other social services and maybe do a little bit of thieving on the side.
A healthy nation would not rely on political police to investigate “hate.” We should have a full debate. Let the complaining Gypsy leader Gina Csányi-Robah offer evidence that her people are not disproportionately involved in shoplifting Perhaps, she can bring forth evidence that the shoplifting is really being perpetrated by clever Icelanders in dark face, dressed up in “Eastern European folk costumes.”
A full 98 per cent of Gypsy refugee claims worldwide end up in Canada and the vast majority of these claims are abandoned or rejected.
The government is bringing in new legislation to limit Gypsy “refugee” claims. Immigration Minister Jason Kenney ” hopes to create a list of countries that generally don’t produce refugees, to make it easier for the Canada Border Services Agency to separate unfounded refugee claims from those that have merit. Hungary, where a bulk of Roma refugee claims come from – and from where the vast majority are abandoned, withdrawn or rejected – would be on that list. ‘Countries whose nationals have an acceptance rate of 25% or less, or where 60% or more of claimants from a country have abandoned or withdrawn their claims … would be subject to designation,’ he said.” (CNEWS, October 16, 2012).
Canadians seem to approve. They were asked: “Do you think the federal government should attempt to limit Roma refugee claims?”
An overwhelming 85.7% said yes; 10% said no; and 4% were not sure.”? (CNEWS, October 16, 2012).
Judge Ponders Sending Dissident to Prison for Not Shutting Down His Website
VANCOUVER. October 10, 2012. A controversial website http://nspcanada.nfshost.com. may soon disappear and many postings by a Regina university lecturer may be removed from STORMFRONT, if Canada’s thought control advocates get their way.
A federal judge was asked to jail Internet dissident and webmaster Terry Tremaine for months or until he breaks and removes a controversial website. After a tense morning of demands for the jailing of a man who has posted politically incorrect opinions on the Internet and equally strong submissions by his lawyer Douglas Christie decrying censorship and bullying by the state, Judge Sean Harrington adjourned court and reserved judgement in Mr. Tremaine’s contempt of court hearing here.
Representing the Canadian Human Rights Commission Daniel Poulin urged an 85 day term of incarceration for Mr. Tremaine or until “the original material found to be offensive” under Sec. 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act (now repealed by the House of Commons) is removed. He argued that leaving the postings complained of was violating a Human Rights Tribunal’s order to “cease and desist.” In a further demand that had Internet savvy listeners shaking their heads, he insisted that Mr. Tremaine must remove his signature block from his more than 3,000 posting on Stormfront, where he posted under the name “mathdoktor99” because it provides the web address of his website. He then seemed to go further and said: “The only way to ensure the material is not repeated is to remove the website,” even though it was acknowledged there were several thousands of postings and audio and musical items, only a few of which formed the basis of the 2005 complaint by Richard Warman.
Mr. Poulin charged that Mr. Tremaine “knew he was ignoring the cease and desist order and he did so purposefully.” So, in Mr. Poulin’s submission, Mr. Tremaine is to be ordered to take down his website and write to STORMFRONT to remove material deemed offensive in the Tribunal’s order.
How, the judge asked, is Mr. Tremaine to “purge his contempt and remove material from the Internet” if he is in jail?
“He can have his lawyer do it or hire a consultant,” Mr. Poulin shot back.
Further, “if he fails to remove the website after 85 days, he must transfer the website to the Canadian Human Rights Commission. We’ll remove it and make it a blank page.” And then the final kick at Mr. Tremaine, who was rendered penniless after Richard Warman complained to the University of Saskatchewan long before the initial complaint was adjudicated and cost Mr. Tremaine his job. “While we recognize Mr. Tremaine’s ability to pay is limited, we seek costs.”
Richard Warman who has hounded Mr. Tremaine with the original human rights complaint, a complaint to his employer, a criminal code Sec. 319 “hate law” complaint, and at least three contempt of court complaints rose to make his sentencing submissions.
Warman demanded a jail term of three to six months, even if Mr. Tremaine removes the website. “Deterrence and denunciation are important, given the five year extensive period of contempt. I’d be concerned if he was let out as soon as he purged his contempt,” Mr. Warman continued.
Then, warming to his subject, he harrumphed: “There is the self-evident seriousness of Mr. Tremaine’s trying to alienate control of his site. It boggles the mind to think of anything so contemptuous of the court.” He referred to the startling revelation in court the previous day that Mr. Tremaine was arranging to sell his website to someone in the U.S., which is not bound by Canada’s police state censorship laws. The judge issued an order preventing him from communicating the password to anyone else.
However, Judge Harrington interjected, “there is no law preventing him from selling his website.”
Warman also wanted the order to direct Terry Tremaine to write to archive.org to ask that their copy of his site be removed.
Mr. Warman, too, said he was seeking costs, even though much of his trip to Vancouver would have been paid for by the Commission which called him as a witness. “You’re here as a complainant who is also a solicitor,” the judge noted.
“I have a day job and have foregone that revenue and I practise also as a solicitor and have foregone that income. [Mr. Tremaine’s] inability to pay is not a reason for not awarding costs.
“
Mr. Warman, too, didn’t want the large number of innocuous postings on Terry Tremaine’s website to remain: “You’ll recognize the dangers of sifting the wheat from the chaff on the nspc website. It is much better to close it entirely. If we don’t, we’ll be back here again soon and this matter will never end.
Acting for Terry Tremaine Douglas Christie, who is also general counsel for the Canadian Free Speech League, pointed out that, since Marc Lemire won his tribunal case and got Sec. 13 declared effectively unconstitutional, until a federal judge upheld the law, but stripped of penalties, that the sky had not fallen. There were no serious adverse consequences. That judge’s decision may well be appealed. The Senate may soon pass the repeal of Sec. 13 and the Supreme Court decision on Whatcott is eagerly awaited. This case challenged the power of human rights commissions to restrict free expression. He urged the judge to delay sentencing until these decisions are in. “Parliament has already determined that this material is not illegal,” he said.
He reflected on the bizarre ruling of the Federal Court of Appeal: “Now you are liable for contempt of an order even before you are informed of the order.”
“Mr. Tremaine’s right to free speech is important. His freedom to speak is your freedom and mine as well.”
In a comment that would draw a sharp rebuke from Richard Warman and a threat to complain to the Law Society of British Columbia, Mr. Christie said: “Mr. Warman has made a career out of shooting cripples,” as a figure of speech. His victims are “people who are marginal.” Some, like Terry Tremaine, end up in mental hospitals. “Mr. Warman now wants costs assessed against a man who cannot even hold a janitor’s job. At the behest of Mr. Warman, he was prosecuted under the Criminal Code.” And all this, said Mr. Christie, “to eliminate a political ideology Mr. Warman does not agree with.”
“Tolerance,” Mr. Christie reminded the court, “is best as a virtue when it is practised rather than preached.”
“Is there an order for Mr. Tremaine not to sell his website to some American who wants it? What my friends really need is to abolish the 1st Amendment. My friends hunt down ideas they do not like. They want to add ‘remove’ if the order’s ‘cease and desist’ doesn’t mean that.”
He pointed out that a recent Supreme Court decision authored by Madam Justice Rosalie Abella held that a link is not libel.” Mr. Tremaine’s signature block on STORMFRONT.org is just a link and should not be ordered removed.
“My friends want the nspc website shut down so that Mr. Tremaine cannot be known. The objective is to eliminate thoughts.”
Mr. Warman, he argued, “didn’t have to be here. He’s a witness, counsel and plaintiff. He’s a voluntary participant. Now he wants costs which will haunt Terry Tremaine for life. He should not be entitled to costs.”
“There’s nothing illegal or immoral if the website is sold to an American. We don’t yet police the world. Unlike Canada, free speech really means something in the U.S.” He cited the case of a recent anti-Moslem video which sparked violence, riots and murder in the Middle East. Yet, no serious politician in the U.S. suggested banning it.
“Is it contempt of court to render yourself non-compliant” by trying to sell the website?” he asked.
“Mr. Warman’s proposal to put Terry Tremaine’s ideas down the memory hole is like most totalitarian states in the world.”
The clumsily worded human rights tribunal order enjoined Mr. Tremaine from “telephonic” communication. He did not engage in “telephonic” communication in the period in question: February – December, 2007, Mr. Christie said. “It is legitimate to communicate what is not specifically prohibited,” he added.
Mr. Christie denounced Mr. Warman’s “draconian, systematic totalitarian treatment of Terry Tremaine. He deprived him of his job, drove him into a mental hospital, refused an apology (which would have ended the human rights complaint in 2006) and kept him in litigation for years. Mr. Warman is a one-man anti-Nazi brigade.”
Urging a delay in handing down a judgement, Mr. Christie said: “Sec. 13 is on its way out. It won’t be around in a year. Terry Tremaine is not a bad man, He may have some bad ideas but he also has some good ideas that may benefit humanity.”
Concluding, Mr. Christie said: “Many people have suffered from these Warman complaints. Terry Tremaine has suffered well and truly enough since 2005. There is no need to make him suffer further.”
Judge Harrington reserved judgement.