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Brad Love [557137416]
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C.E.C.C.,
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541 Highway 36,
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Box 4500,
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Lindsay, ON.,
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K9V 4S6
A date has still not been sent for an appeal against Mr. Love’s 2012 conviction and 18-month sentence for breach of probation.
A date has still not been sent for an appeal against Mr. Love’s 2012 conviction and 18-month sentence for breach of probation.
TORONTO, November 14, 2013. The now repealed Sec. 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act should be found to be unconstitutional, as well, Marc Lemire, victim of a 10-year long battle with Richard Warman, argued this morning. Supported by interveners, the Canadian Association for Free Expression and the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, Barbara Kulaszka, Mr. Lemire’s erstwhile lawyer insisted: The Canadian Human Rights Act “was a statute designed to help little people against big government or corporations, but the Act’s Sec. 13 has hit little people having a beer and posting on the Internet.” Three Federal Court of Appeals judges reserved and retired to mull over their opinion
“The fact Parliament has repealed Sec. 13 should be taken into account,” Miss Kulaszka argued. Before penalties, now ruled unconstitutional were added in 1998, and, until Parliament, in 2001, legislated that Sec. 13 applied to the Internet, this section was largely unused. Interestingly, she added, “it has been used primarily by one man (Richard Warman), a White male, not the minorities” it was said to protect.”
In almost every case, “Richard Warman and the Canadian Human Rights Commission had joint submissions and always wanted penalties” assessed against the victims. In Mr. Lemire’s case, they originally sought a $7,500 penalty.”
Sec. 13, she argued, “is an anomaly within the Canadian Human Rights Act.” Most complaints under other sections of the Act result in settlements. “Until the Lemire case, there was a 100 per cent conviction under Sec. 13.” The Act, she added, “was designed to help little people against government or Crown corporations. However, Sec. 13 hits little people having a beer and posting their ideas on the Internet.”
Mr. Warman, she reminded the three judges hearing the appeal, never contacted Mr. Lemire about the Freedomsite message board that he complained about. By the time Mr. Lemire was served with the complaint, the message board had already been taken down. “The message board was taken down in early 2004. The complaint came in March 2004,” but proceeded nonetheless.
Mr. Lemire took down all six specific articles in the Warman complaint. “I wrote to the Commission and said all the impugned articles had been removed, but I received no reply,” Miss Kulaszka recalled. “Instead they started hunting for more material.”
The Internet, she explained, “is very different from a telephone answering machine.” Telephone messages were the original target of Sec. 13. “Accusations of ‘hate’ carry incredible stigma. It is not the equivalent in the public eye of the accusation your business failed to provide a ramp for the handicapped,” she added.
“The Internet is loved by the people but feared by the courts. Maybe, it’s generational. The Internet is empowering and people can talk back. Perhaps, Karen Mock testifying for the League for Human Rights of B’nai Brith in this matter put it best when she said education was the best way to fight ‘hate.'”
Sec. 13 should be ruled unconstitutional so that “ordinary people can self publish on the Internet, argue back and forth, and not have to have a lawyer present,” she concluded.
Barclay Johnson, a Victoria lawyer, representing the Canadian Association for Free Expression, reminded the appeals judges that, in their ruling on Keegstra and Taylor (which upheld the old version of Sec. 13), “the Supreme Court of Canada did not have the benefit of expert scientific evidence” that was led in the Lemire case “which discredited the scientific justification for ‘hate laws’; namely, the supposed dire effects on minorities of so-called “hate propaganda.”
CAFE’s lawyer Barclay Johnson of Victoria
The Court relied on Frederick Kaufman’s “basically Freudian analysis. His report had formed part of the Cohen Report on Hate Propaganda.” In this case, the defence led the expert evidence of Dr. Michael Persinger who exposed “the inaccurate methodology of Kaufmann. Persinger said:’I don’t use terms like ‘hate’. I use the tem ‘aversive stimuli. ‘Hate’ is a subjective term or label. The term ‘hate’ is arbitrary and highly subjective. Persinger’s evidence was not available to the Supreme Court in reaching their recent decision in Whatcott. The psychological field has changed,” Mr. Johnson added. The Court had relied on what we now know to be junk science.
Mr. Lemire’s Freedomsite “was not a public communication. Someone had to go looking for it. Mr. Warman wasn’t just walking down the street and saw the Freedomsite. In Crooks and Newton, the Supreme Court found that people using a hyperlink are involved in a private conversation. Hyperlinks are like a reference to material. They indicate that something exists,” he explained, “but you have to make the choice to go and call it up. Mr. Warman went looking for evidence of ‘hate’. That method of getting information is private. In this case, Mr. Warman was going to websites in order to be offended,” he added. “Mr. Warman did not go to a Canadian website but to one {the Freedomsite] hosted in the U.S.”
Concluding, Mr. Johnson said, “for Mr. Lemire to be responsible for everything uploaded to a website outside the country is unfair.”
Predicting the outcome of the appeal is perilous but the three presiding justices seemed to perk up when the two very pale lawyers — are there no Negro attrorneys? — speaking on behalf of the African Canadian Legal Clinic extolled the importance of penalties (which Judge Mosley had ruled unconstitutional).
Speech by Paul Fromm at 2000 Rally for Journalist Doug Collins (under attack by human rights commission). The meeting was organized by his lawyer Doug Christie. It was attacked by several hundred ARA crazies. The policing was minimal and terrible.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_detailpage&v=S7nIAVkLqXI
Further Update on Political Prisoner Brad Love’s Being Denied Mail
Political prisoner Brad Love called me collect this morning from prison. He confirmed that he is not allowed to send ANY mail out. His mail was held, without explanation, for over a month (October 15-November 18). He is now receiving mail. So, please send this “man behind the wire” — jailed solely for sending non-threatening letters to thin skinned ethnic lobby groups or politicians — a note or card.
He was called into the prison management’s office on November 19 and breezily informed: “Love, there’s a court order saying you’re not allowed to receive any mail.” Where do they find these prison personnel? In a country with a bogus “Charter of Rights and Freedoms” — really minority special privileges and rights that governments can cancel at a moment’s notice “for a good reason,” of course — and a tradition of individual RIGHTS guaranteed under our Anglo-Saxon legal traditions, you’d think the authorities might wonder: “There must be some mistake.”
Well, yes and no. There was, indeed, such as North Korean-like bail condition imposed on Mr. Love in Fort McMurray Alberta last May when he was charged with sending “scurrilous” material through the mail — strongly worded letters to the press and politicians about political matters. HOWEVER, in July, using arguments CAFE helped to prepare, Mr. Love went back to Court and had these conditions amended so that he can write to anyone, except the several individuals named in the criminal complaint.
the prison authorities also made vague threats to Mr. Love, saying he was writing “too many letters” and, if he didn’t desist, he could find himself spending more time in prison.
A date has still not been sent for an appeal against Mr. Love’s 2012 conviction and 18-month sentence for breach of probation.
Brad Love, a decade after his conviction under Canada’s notorious “hate law” (Sec. 319 of the Criminal Code) for writing non-threatening letters to public officials criticizing Canada’s immigration mess, is still mired in the toils of repression. In July 2012, for sending some information packages to some Toronto Jewish groups, he was sentenced to a further 18 months in prison, plus a further three year gag order from writing letters to the media or politicians. He applied for bail; pending an appeal. In July, 2013, this bail was arbitrarily revoked. So, for the past four months, he’s languished in jail, again for nothing more than the non-violent expression of his populist, no nonsense working guy views.
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Brad was employed in a lucrative job in Alberta’s tar sands in Fort McMurray. The arbitrary imprisonment punishes him for his views, denies him an income and, ironically, denies the state a hefty junk of his pay in taxes.
Brad Love after addressing CAFE Meeting in Toronto, April, 2013/
Regina v The Radical Press: LEGAL UPDATE #15
November 20th, 2013
Dear Free Speech Advocates and Radical Press Supporters,
My last Legal Update was sent out well over four months ago on July 11th, 2013 so for those who may not recall all what transpired up to that point I’ll give a brief overview so as to put subsequent events into some meaningful context.
All of what is going on concerns the matter of the Sec. 319(2) CCC charge and arrest for the purported crime of “willfully promoting hatred against ‘people of the Jewish religion or ethnic group’” originally brought on by B’nai Brith Canada’s Harry Abrams and serial Section 13 complainant Richard Warman.
Crown had anticipated that the Attorney General’s office was going to go for a “direct indictment” and skip the preliminary hearing stage of events but that strategy fell through on July 8th, 2013. That then brought my proposal to file for a Rowbotham application back to the forefront. As explained in earlier Updates the Rowbotham application was part of my former counsel’s plan to get government funded legal counsel to defend me and to act on my behalf during the preliminary inquiry to determine the merits of the aforementioned Sec. 319(2) charge. Of course when Doug was alive it was he who anticipated being that counsel.
I had met with the Trial Coordinator and via telephone spoke with Keith Evans, legal counsel for the B.C. Attorney General’s office in order to discuss my Rowbotham application which he was overseeing. Prior to that I had already submitted my Notice of Application and Affidavit to the AG’s regarding the Rowbotham back on April 23, 2013 and received a package of material back from Mr. Evans on May 11th explaining all the additional information that I was expected to furnish him with prior to a hearing taking place on the matter.
On August 13th I met again with the Trial Coordinator and a date was set to hold a hearing on the Rowbotham application on Monday, November 18th, 2013.
During the interim time period leading up the hearing I had to furnish the AG’s office with as much documentation as I possibly could that would show that I was not in a financial position to be able to afford to hire a lawyer to represent me at the upcoming preliminary hearing scheduled for January 22nd, 2014. As a result the month of September leading into the early weeks of October were spend doing what was basically a forensic audit of all of my finances and sending all of this information to the Attorney General’s office in Vancouver, B.C. It was quite time consuming and left little opportunity for doing much else besides publishing the occasional article on the website. Keith Evans of the AG’s office was very congenial and willing to assist me with any questions that that arose during the period that I was amassing all of my evidence I felt would show that I was in fact indigent and unable to cover the cost of a hiring a lawyer. The term “indigent” is one that the AG’s office uses and it means “impoverished or destitute or poverty-stricken or disadvantaged, hard up, etc.” All of these descriptive words I felt fitted my circumstances.
Approximately one week before the hearing on November 18th, I received all of this information back from the AG’s office along with all of my email exchanges with AG lawyer Keith Evans. The booklet containing these communications ended up being 455 pages in length!
Radical Press Publisher Arthur Topham displaying the Rowbotham application documents from the B.C. Attorney General’s office
There are basically two main features or parts to a Rowbotham application, the first deals with having to prove you are in fact “indigent” and the second being able to argue that your particular case is complex and out of the ordinary to the point where it is evident that without legal representation you would not have a chance of a fair trial and therefore your Charter right to a fair trial would be infringed upon.
The hearing began at 9:30 a.m. in the Quesnel courthouse with Judge Morgan presiding. Also in attendance was Christina Drake, a lawyer working for the Attorney General’s office out of Victoria, B.C. who had flown up to argue against the application.
Judge Morgan began by asking me to explain to him why I felt I was unable to afford to hire a lawyer and why I felt my case was so “extraordinarily complex” (another expression that the AG’s office employed throughout their argument repeatedly). I then proceeded to tell him about how I have been battling with legal issues brought on by B’nai Brith Canada’s two separate complaints, (the sec. 13(1) Canadian Human Rights Act complaint from 2007 and the Sec. 319(2) CCC charge of May 16th, 2012), for the past six years and how having to do all the legal work on my own has affected my ability to earn a sufficient income that would allow me to hire a lawyer.
Following all of that (which took a couple of hours) I then outlined for the Judge the reasons why I felt my case was unusual and complex enough that it warranted having a professional legal expert to represent me during the preliminary hearing stage so as to show how the illegal search warrant that resulted in the invasion of my home and the theft of all of my computers and electronic files was an actual criminal offence on the part of the RCMP and the B.C. Hate Crime Team led by Det. Cst. Terry Wilson. It was my argument that because of this initial illegal act that the case should be thrown out at the preliminary hearing stage. In fact my former lawyer Mr. Christie had planned to set aside five days for the preliminary hearing in order to accomplish this. After his demise the court changed that time period from five days to five hours! Obviously they felt that whatever Mr. Christie was planning to present to the court didn’t warrant further consideration after he was out of the picture.
Due to space constraints I won’t go into the details of my argument for why I felt the case is complex other than I told the Judge that, based upon my personal experience with the whole free speech issue over the past six years, I felt it was the aim of Jewish lobby groups here in Canada, specifically B’nai Brith Canada, to set a precedent using my charge so that, were they successful in obtaining a conviction, it would affect every other publisher and writer in Canada who might try and criticize either the Jew’s-only state of Israel or anything else related to the Zionist political ideology or their religious practices as found in Judaism and the Talmud. It would, in other words, create a stifling climate of censorship that would negatively affect every Canadian’s right to freedom of speech and expression as stated in the Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
One additional point needs to be emphasized here regarding all of the sec. 13 controversy that has taken place over the past quarter century or longer. When I began to speak to Judge Morgan about sec. 13(1) and about the fact that the federal government had repealed that section of the Canadian Human Rights Code back in June of 2012 he confessed that he knew nothing about the whole issue! I was literally taken aback by this unexpected pronouncement on his part and my facial expression must have surprised him as he then stated that he actually sat on a “human rights” committee of some sort and, yet, he was still unaware of the whole issue. Then, only to exacerbate his revelations further, the lawyer for the Attorney General’s office also spoke up and informed the court that she, too, was aware of what was going on in terms of Section 13 and the Canadian Human Rights Code.
After a lunch break the hearing continued and Christina Drake, representing the Attorney General’s office, gave her arguments as to why I ought to be refused the Rowbotham order. She cited numerous case law examples and how in one way or another none of them met the financial threshold that the Crown demands. Of course it’s always a great advantage to be able to be the party that sets the threshold in the first place and when it comes to the state having to pay for a lawyer to defend an accused (and presumed innocent) citizen the Crown finds such a proposal most abhorrent and the thought of it appears to terrify them that such a precedent might actually occur (as it did in the case of Rowbotham) and they would have to actually defray the costs of a Canadian citizen receiving justice in the courts of the land.
When the issue of complexity was addressed Drake stated:
• [The applicant] Has four years of university education and communicates effectively orally and in writing, as evidenced by the sophisticated written summary he provided of the arguments he wishes to make with respect to the search warrant;
• Has experience in legal and quasi-legal proceedings, specifically in the context of a human rights complaint in which it appears that he represented himself;
Of course in to my way of thinking there’s no direct correlation between a person’s ability to express themselves either orally or through the written word or having obtained a Teaching certificate for Elementary school and their ability to perform the work of a qualified and legally trained lawyer. To try and suggest that this is the case would be akin to asserting that the Applicant, because of his university training, would also be qualified to perform the work of a surgeon.
Drake argued that I hadn’t done enough to show that I had contacted other lawyers in order to find out if they would work at lower rates and represent me. Of course I had checked into this and did contact those who I felt might come to my defense but I never received a reply back from them. Again, what the AG’s office intentionally appears to overlook is the reality that defending cases such as mine is a very serious matter for any lawyer who wants to steer clear of being labeled a defender of “hate mongers” and “anti-Semites” and “racists” and end up with a reputation such as that which Douglas Christie acquired by his willingness to defend those charged with “hate crimes”. To defend a person against a charge of “willfully promoting hatred against ‘people of the Jewish religion or ethnic group’” is to accept that you will will also be attacked by these very same foreign lobbyists who are now threatening me.
It was around 4:00 p.m. by the time the AG’s argument was completed. I was then given an opportunity to “sum up” my financial picture which I proceeded to do culminating by emphasizing once again that I and my wife have been forced to live an extremely minimalist existence ever since 2007 and that this ought to be given consideration. Judge Morgan then left the courtroom for about fifteen minutes and returned to give his decision. Predictably, based upon the AG’s argument, he concluded that I hadn’t met the financial threshold and so therefore my reasons regarding the complexity of the case wouldn’t be considered. He added further that this might change after the preliminary hearing when, should the case go to trial (which it appears is highly likely), that I would then have the opportunity to file another Rowbotham application and give it another shot so to speak.
When we left the courthouse it was -20 Celcius outside with a cold, bitter wind blowing. Rather fitting in some respects.
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Please Help CAFE Defend Free Speech from Those Who Would Submit Beneficiaries to Some Politically Correct Litmus Test
Robert McCorkill died in 2004 and left a substantial collection of ancient coins and artifacts to the White Nationalist National Alliance. The ant-free speech U.S. partisan group called the Southern Poverty Law Centre has vowed to kibosh the bequest. Joining the hitherto silent — for nine years! — sister (who, though claiming straitened circumstances is represented by a pricey Moncton law firm) is the Attorney General of New Brunswick, the League for Human Rights of B’nai Brith and the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, all seeking to overturn the will.
CAFE has joined the fray to support the Estate and the principles of free speech and private property. “Subjecting beneficiaries to a politically correct litmus test is a frightening assault on freedom of speech and the right of a person to bequeath his property to whom he pleases. It is a shocking step down the road the state tyranny and the triumph of restrictive cultural Marxism,” warns CAFE Director Paul Fromm, who nonetheless welcomed the adjournment.
“They latest delay, gives CAFE a few more weeks to raise the money needed to fund our intervention in this crucial case,” he added.
The McCorkill Case — Trying to Limit the Evidence to Facts, Not Rants and Name Calling
St. John, New Brunswick. November 5, 2013. Court room 13 may have turned out to be a lucky number for those seeking to prevent the hijacking of a bequest to a controversial group. Judge William T. Grant reserved judgment today for ten days in regards to a motion by Andy Lodge, representing the Canadian Association for Free Expression (CAFE), to strike large portions of five affidavits filed on behalf of Isabelle McCorkell and three interveners seeking to revoke a large bequest by former chemistry professor Robert McCorkill to the West Virginia based National Alliance. The extraordinary application to overturn the bequest was instigated by the Southern Poverty Law Centre (SPLC) of Montgomery, Alabama, a notorious anti-free speech group that specializes in fierce attacks on those it denounces as “haters.”
CAFE wants to see the case heard on the basis of facts and primarily law and the sanctity of a man’s will. The other side seems to want to turn the proceedings into a witch-hunt against a politically unpopular group, with plenty of name calling and extravagant claims and exaggerations. Typical of this approach is paragraph 4 under a section entitled “Facts” in the brief presented on behalf of Isabelle McCorkell: “The National Alliance is a long-standing neo-Nazi group in the United States. … Through its hate propaganda, the National Alliance promotes a political programme …including genocide, ethnic cleansing, and the use of hate-motivated violence and terror to achieve its aims.” On the contrary, the National Alliance never promoted violence or terror. As to “hate propaganda” the NA was never charged, much less convicted, under Canada’s notorious “hate law” (Sec. 319 of the Criminal, Code) and there are no such “anti-hate” laws in the U.S.
After a three and a half hour hearing, Judge Grant ruled: “We cannot proceed with the application next week. I will give you my decision” on the motion to strike portions of the affidavits “next week on November 13.”
The Court of Queen’s Bench judge added: “I’ll hear any submissions you might have on the deponents. There are some unusual features to this case. There may be valid reason
CAFE’s lawyer Andy lodge is seeking to strike large portions of the complainants’ affidavits because they do not comply with the rules. Most of the evidence is being submitted by affidavits (sworn statements). Marc Antoine-Chiasson, lawyer for Isabelle McCorkell [yes, different spelling from her brother’s name] decided to proceed by means of an application to the court, rather than a full blown trial with discoveries. Mr. Lodge explained: “There are very strict rules for affidavits in application cases because the application can be the end of the issue. An affidavit is assumed to be true. There are many paragraphs in the five affidavits that don’t comply with the rule.”
“Rule 390.01 sub 5” became a refrain as Mr. Lodge dissected some thirty paragraphs in five affidavits. The rule states: “An affidavit for use on an application shall be confined to the facts within the personal knowledge of the deponent; but the affidavit may contain statements as to the information and belief of the deponent with respect to facts which are not contentious, if the source of his information and his belief therein are specified in the affidavit.” [39.01(5)]
Indeed, in the case Bouctouche Micmac First Nation v New Brunswick (Minister of the Environment), Mr. Justice Rideout of the New Brunswick Court of Queen’s Bench Trial Division ruled, quoting a judgement by Mr. Justice Vancise of the Saskatchewan Court of Appeal: “The rule is quite clear in limiting affidavit evidence to such ‘facts as the witness is able of his own knowledge to prove.”
In defence of the Potok affidavit, Mr. Chiasson ( Miss McCorkell’s lawyer) “seems to say facts asserted by the deponents are not contentious. We disagree. And in Miss Fawcett’s brief (on behalf of the intervener the League for Human Rights of B’nai Brith), I see no case law where hearsay evidence is permitted in an application setting.”
CAFE objected to the inclusion of several of B’nai Brith’s Annual Audit of Anti-Semitic Incidents on many grounds. One, was that none of the Audits even mentioned the National Alliance or its brief long-ago activities in Canada. Mr. Lodge added: “The Audits are mainly third party complaints. How can we analyze the motive of a fourth party, usually unnamed being complained against? These are not expert reports, these are not scientific reports. They are hearsay from people not even quoted but summarized.”
One of his main targets was an affidavit from Mark Potok of the Southern Poverty Law Centre. Much of it seemed more a rant and name calling than a statement of facts. Mr. Lodge challenged most of the affidavit as being opinion, argument or hearsay. For instance, paragraph 5 of Mr. Potok’s first affidavit charges that the National Alliance “is the most important Neo-Nazi group in America.” That, Mr. Lodge, noted was an opinion, not a fact. Potok had patted himself on the back as being an “expert” on the National Alliance. That, too, is an opinion, not a fact.
Dominique Fontaine, representing Isabelle McCorkell, said: “CAFE doesn’t like Mr. Potok’s evidence and is adopting a shotgun approach. We are seeking significant costs as this motion is not necessary and should have been brought as part of the application.”
“You can’t put a bunch of hearsay and opinions into your affidavit,” CAFE lawyer Andy Lodge shot back. “These are irregular affidavits. This is a fair motion and I take great offence at the accusation that it is not. We are the ones entitled to substantial costs. We have gone to tremendous expense to try to keep these affidavits focused on facts in keeping with Rule 30.01 (5).”
In outlining Miss McCorkel’s demand that the bequest be nullified, Ms Fontaine made it clear that the objections are based on the National Alliance’s political beliefs, saying: “We shall argue that this gift is contrary to public policy. The Court must know the National Alliance’s ideology, what it has published, how it is perceived by the public and its influence on the public.”
In arguing against striking out portions of the B’nai Brith brief, including attachments of several of the League’s Annual Audit of Anti-Semitic Incidents, League lawyer Catherine Fawcett insisted: “The Audits show the impact of the hate speech on the Jewish community. This is not your typical application. The evidence is going to be a little different. We don’t know about Mr. McCorkill but we do know of the impact of hate crimes on the Canadian Jewish community. … B’nai Brith will also argue that no person can do something to injure the public. What is the effect when people put certain ideologies on the Internet? What injury could be done to the public, if this gift goes through? The Audits are the experience this minority group has experienced at the hands of hate groups. If you are putting money into the hands of this type of group, what is the potential effect on Canada.”
In fact, most of the incidents — graffiti and literature for the most part — reported in the Audits are the work of individuals, not groups. There is scant evidence most of them are motivated by material on the Internet. Few of the over 1,200 “incidents” reported annually result in criminal charges, much less convictions, and, thus, cannot be considered “crimes”, let alone “hate crimes.” Furthermore, the gift is to a group in the U.S. which is no longer active in Canada and, thus, the “potential effect on Canada” would be exactly zero!
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Please Help CAFE Defend Free Speech from Those Who Would Submit Beneficiaries to Some Politically Correct Litmus Test
Robert McCorkill died in 2004 and left a substantial collection of ancient coins and artifacts to the White Nationalist National Alliance. The ant-free speech U.S. partisan group called the Southern Poverty Law Centre has vowed to kibosh the bequest. Joining the hitherto silent — for nine years! — sister (who, though claiming straitened circumstances is represented by a pricey Moncton law firm) is the Attorney General of New Brunswick, the League for Human Rights of B’nai Brith and the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, all seeking to overturn the will.
CAFE has joined the fray to support the Estate and the principles of free speech and private property. “Subjecting beneficiaries to a politically correct litmus test is a frightening assault on freedom of speech and the right of a person to bequeath his property to whom he pleases. It is a shocking step down the road the state tyranny and the triumph of restrictive cultural Marxism,” warns CAFE Director Paul Fromm, who nonetheless welcomed the adjournment.
“They latest delay, gives CAFE a few more weeks to raise the money needed to fund our intervention in this crucial case,” he added.
London Forum: Paul Fromm ”Fighting for Free Speech and White Survival”