Freedom Convoy Fallout: Protester’s frozen accounts case highlights Emergencies Act backlash

Freedom Convoy Fallout: Protester’s frozen accounts case highlights Emergencies Act backlash

07/09/2025 // Willow Tohi // 1.3K Views

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  • Ontario judge orders RCMP and TD Bank to release records tied to freezing Freedom Convoy protester Evan Blackman’s bank accounts.
  • Government’s use of the 2022 Emergencies Act faces scrutiny over civil liberties violations, including bank seizures and coerced tow truck conscription.
  • In 2023, Blackman was acquitted of mischief and obstruction charges, but Ottawa appealed, leading to an upcoming retrial in August 2025.
  • 2024 court ruling found Trudeau’s invocation of the emergencies law “not justified,” highlighting overreach in targeting peaceful protesters.
  • Legal backers seek to link bank seizures to constitutional violations, framing the case as a landmark challenge to state powers.

A Canadian court has ordered the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and TD Bank to release records related to the freezing of a protester’s bank accounts during the 2022 Freedom Convoy, reigniting debates over government overreach and civil liberties under the controversial Emergencies Act. The ruling, issued July 4 by the Ontario Court of Justice, sets the stage for a pivotal legal battle as courts reconsider the legitimacy of then-Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s use of emergency powers to quell protests against pandemic and vaccine mandates.

Evan Blackman, one of hundreds whose accounts were frozen under the law, faces a retrial in August 2025 after being acquitted in 2023 of charges related to the Ottawa demonstrations. His lawyers argue that the seizure of his funds — a decision first reviewed as lawful but later condemned by federal judges — violates Charter rights to privacy and freedom of expression. The court’s demand for transparency could unravel the government’s case while exposing systemic flaws in its pandemic-era policies.

The legal fight over “extreme overreach”

The ruling demands disclosure of documents detailing how and why Blackman’s accounts were frozen under Section 53 of the Emergencies Act, which Trudeau invoked on February 14, 2022. The law, originally designed for responses to disasters like floods or terrorist threats, granted unprecedented power to block financial transactions, seize property and militarize law enforcement.

Constitutional lawyer Chris Fleury, representing Blackman’s Justice Center for Constitutional Freedoms (JCCF), called the seizure “an extreme overreach,” stressing that the records could prove the government “illegally punished peaceful dissent.” Blackman, an Ottawa-area protester detained after participating in nonviolent rallies, saw his three accounts frozen for over a week, potentially stifling his ability to prepare a defense during the original charges.

The JCCF emphasizes that this is the first criminal case in Canada attempting to halt proceedings under Section 8 of the Charter, which bars unreasonable searches or seizures, and Section 2(b), protecting free expression. Their stance draws strength from a 2024 Federal Court ruling by Justice Richard Mosley, who declared Trudeau’s emergency declaration “not justified,” arguing it failed to balance public interest with human rights.

The 2022 protests and their aftermath

The Freedom Convoy began on January 15, 2022, as a movement protesting vaccine mandates and pandemic restrictions. By early February, it swelled into hundreds of tractor-trailers blocking Ottawa’s streets, leading Trudeau to invoke the Emergencies Act—a move nearly all provinces condemned.

Documents now sought by the JCCF could clarify how authorities targeted nonviolent advocates. While the government framed protests as violent, much of the event unfolded as group camping, community meals and music, according to RCMP logs obtained by the National Post. Instead, most documented violence stemmed from state actions: videos showed mounted police trampling an elderly woman and attacking journalists.

Critics argue the law’s use set a dangerous precedent. Despite a special commission later endorsing Trudeau’s emergency declaration, federal courts — including Mosley’s decision — have since eroded its legitimacy.

What lies ahead: A trial with national implications?

Blackman’s retrial in August could become a landmark test of Canada’s emergency laws. His legal team plans to argue that the federal government’s seizure of funds was retaliation for political speech, violating the Charter. If successful, similar cases by over 100 protest-era plaintiffs might proceed, reshaping how authorities handle dissent.

Meanwhile, the RCMP and TD Bank have yet to publicly comment, though the ruling binds them to comply. The outcome may also influence current debates over pandemic-era policies, as critics question the viability of invoking “extreme measures” for non-violent public assemblies.

As Fleury noted, the case “exposes a dangerous precedent where the state weaponizes financial control to silence dissidents.” For civil liberties advocates, the ruling offers a rare chance to challenge a legacy of distrust in Trudeau’s leadership — and redefine the limits of crises authority.

A new day for accountability, or an open door for state power?

The Ontario court’s demand for transparency in Blackman’s case underscores a growing reckoning with the 2022 pandemic policies. While the protests seemed forgotten to some, the legal fallout continues to reveal a government unprepared to balance safety with constitutionality — and a judiciary increasingly willing to hold it to account.

As the Aug. 14 retrial nears, Canadians wait to learn more than Blackman’s fate: whether their next crisis will be met with calm stewardship… or another round of rushed, rights-eroding reforms.

Sources for this article include:

How Captain Airhead Makes Andrew Scheer Look Much Better Than He Really Is

The Canadian Red Ensign

Thursday, June 13, 2019

How Captain Airhead Makes Andrew Scheer Look Much Better Than He Really Is

The Conservative Party of Canada really ought to be paying Captain Airhead a salary. He is the best publicity man they have. He has been doing a much better job of promoting their cause in the upcoming Dominion election than their own lackluster leadership. I do not mean merely that he makes them look good by being such a lousy, awful, and indeed, downright, horrible, alternative, although that is certainly the case. What I mean is that if there were a speck of truth to be found in any of his recent, scare-mongering, accusations against the Conservatives, the party would certainly rise in my esteem as it would that of any sensible and sane person. Evelyn Waugh once said that the problem with the Conservative Party was that it “has not turned the clock back a single second” and the Canadian incarnation of the party has given no indication that it plans to do so any time in the near future. Yet Justin Trudeau would have us believe that the Conservatives, if elected, would set the clock back by about a hundred years. My response to which is to say that if this happens, it would be a good start, but we need to go much further than that.

To say this, of course, is to commit the unpardonable sin of the Modern Age, blasphemy against the spirit of progress. It is a sin to which I gladly, and unrepentantly, plead guilty. Readers of C. S. Lewis’ Chronicles of Narnia might recall how in The Voyage of the Dawn Treader, Governor Gumpas of the Lone Islands, upon being told by King Caspian that the slave trade “must be stopped”, protests “But that would be putting the clock back”, adding “Have you no idea of progress, of development?” to which Caspian replies “I have seen then both in an egg…We call it ‘Going Bad’ in Narnia.” Needless to say, I subscribe to Caspian’s – and Lewis’ – view of progress. This is the view of genuine British and Canadian Toryism – that progress does not happen, and if it does it is a bad thing and we need to put a stop to it. Sadly, the Canadian Conservative Party of our day, like the British Conservative Party of Waugh’s day, have abandoned the more authentic views of their tradition for something closer to American republicanism, which worships at the altar of the same idol of progress as liberalism and the Left. Justin Trudeau is deluded if he seriously thinks otherwise.

I am not going to dwell at any length on Trudeau’s accusations that Andrew Scheer is in bed with “racists”, “white supremacists” and “white nationalists” as I have already dealt with this in another essay. It shows how extremely unhealthy, the political climate has become in present day Canada, that these labels can be attached to people who do not so describe themselves and who neither subscribe to a racialist ideology like National Socialism nor have engaged in violent rhetoric or action either as individuals or organized groups towards other races. All that one needs to do is to oppose a particular kind of racism – the anti-white racism manifested in the immigration policy of making the country as diverse as possible as fast as possible and hence as least white as possible as fast as possible, in the progressive notion that all whites and only whites are racists, and in the cartoonish re-writing of history into a bad melodrama in which whites are assigned the role of the moustache-twirling, villain in the top hat and large black coat and everyone else plays the helpless maiden whom he has tied to the railroad track. Heck, one does not even have to actively oppose this anti-white racism himself – it is sufficient to be seen in the same room as someone who does. My respect for Mr. Scheer and the Conservative Party would skyrocket if they actually did take a bold, consistent, and principled stand against this pervasive form of progressive anti-white racism, but I am not holding my breath waiting for that to happen. The accusations against them are entirely of the “you were seen with so-and-so, who said such-and-such” variety. Indeed, the disgusting manner in which Scheer threw Michael Cooper under the bus, the fact that he seems to have enforced silence upon his party about the Grits’ disturbing plans to bring back the vile Section 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act, and the way in which Warren Kinsella, of all people, has been defending Scheer against Trudeau’s charges using arguments amusingly similar to those that I would have used to ridicule Kinsella’s book Web of Hate twenty years ago, all point inevitably to the conclusion that Scheer, like Harper before him, is on the same side as Trudeau on these issues, leaving the many Canadians who wish for the freedom to think differently from Kinsella, Richard Warman, Bernie Farber, Harry Abrams, Helmut-Harry Loewen and others of that ilk, without anyone in Parliament to speak for them.

What I am more interested in addressing here are Captain Airhead’s accusations of what he considers to be sexism. Back when Stephen Harper was Conservative leader the Liberals were constantly accusing him of having a “hidden agenda,” i.e., to re-criminalize abortion. Trudeau, who has constructed a political image of himself as a “male feminist” which has taken a severe beating over the last couple of years for reasons that I will not get into here, and who as part of that image takes a rather clownish, over-the-top, hard-line, “it’s a woman’s right” stance on abortion, has revived the old “hidden agenda” line for use against Scheer. He has been able to use recent events south of the border, where several states have passed strong anti-abortion legislation now that there is a perceived right-wing majority on the Supreme Court in the hopes of provoking a legal battle that will end in the overturning of Roe v. Wade, to help him stoke the fears of his feminist support base.

Again, if there were the slightest amount of truth to Trudeau’s accusations, the Conservative Party’s stock would certainly rise in my books. I remember very well, however, that while Stephen Harper allowed pro-life people to run for his party at a time even as the other major party leaders began telling them they were persona non grata, this was the extent of his “support” for the pro-life cause. Pro-life people were allowed to run as Conservatives but woe unto them if they actually tried to do something to end abortion. There is not the slightest amount of evidence that things are any different now. This is extremely unfortunate for Canada because the current status quo on abortion, of which Trudeau is so proud, is an ever growing bloodstain on our country that cries out to heaven for divine justice, and there are no realistic options for changing that status quo, that do not require action by the Conservatives in the Dominion parliament. Even if it could be accomplished at the provincial level, which it cannot, the provincial Conservatives seem to have no more inclination to do so than their federal counterparts. The right-populist premier of Upper Canada assured the media last month, after progressives threw a tantrum when one of his MPPs pledged at a pro-life rally “to make abortion unthinkable in our lifetime” that his government “will not re-open the abortion debate.” Even more recently the provincial Conservative government here in Manitoba has announced that an abortion pill will now be fully covered by the public. There are many health care products and services which are necessary to help people who are suffering from excruciating pain or are in danger of going blind which are not fully covered by the public, but a pill that murders babies soon will be.

It is difficult to think of anything that puts the lie to the entire left-liberal concept of progress more than this matter of abortion. The progressive position is that a pregnant woman has the right to terminate her pregnancy. Canadian progressives, including the leadership of the Liberal Party, take the most extreme degree of this position, which allows for no qualifications such as “up to this-or-that stage of development”, insists that this “right” be protected against even interference of the persuasive variety, requires that the public pay for it, insists that the debate is closed and that the other side should be made to shut up, and boasts that their victory shows how advanced we have become in our thinking. Their entire position, however, is based upon a lie. The position that a woman has or ought to have the right to terminate her pregnancy could scarcely be formulated, much less justified, apart from the notion that the pregnancy is something that concerns her, her body, and her health alone. “Pro-choice” lingo such as “the procedure”, “reproductive rights”, “control of her own body” is all carefully selected to create this impression. Yet, obviously, pregnancy is not simply a matter of a woman, her health, and her body. It also concerns her baby, whose very life is at stake in the pregnancy. An abortion is not merely a medical procedure undergone for the health of the pregnant woman. It is the termination of the life of a baby.

Far from being an advanced state of ethical thinking the so-called “pro-choice” position of the progressive left is a regression into the darkest form of paganism. In the times of ancient paganism, infanticide was not an uncommon way of keeping the family within the means of its resources. The story of Oedipus is but one of the ancient legends that address the cruelty of the practice of exposure by telling of a child rescued from this fate by a kindly couple. Worse, the worship of several pagan idols required the sacrifice of children, usually the first-born. Several of the most important ethicists of ancient Greece and Rome condemned this practice in Carthage, the city-state in what is now Tunisia in northern Africa which was Rome’s rival for control of the Mediterranean world in the third and fourth centuries BC. The Carthaginians would sacrifice their children to an idol, whom the Greek and Roman commentators identified with Kronos or Saturn from their own mythologies, by placing them in the heated arms of a huge bronze statue. This is a practice they inherited from Tyre, the Phoenician city-state in what is now Lebanon, of which Carthage was originally a colony. The Phoenicians shared this practice with their southern neighbours, the tribes of Canaan, and this practice is clearly identified in the Old Testament as one of the worst forms of the wickedness that brought divine judgement upon the Canaanites in the form of Israel being sent to conquer and drive them out of the Promised Land. Later, when the Israelites apostatized into the idolatry of their neighbours, this practice is again pointed to by the Prophets as having particularly defiled their land and led ultimately to the Assyrian and Babylonian captivities. A curse was pronounced upon the place outside Jerusalem where these sacrifices took place and by the time of the New Testament it was regarded as a defiled place, fit only for burning refuse and the bodies of criminals, and lent its name to the fate of those to be condemned at the Final Judgement.

Even before the Exodus, and the giving of the Mosaic Law which strictly forbade the Israelites from participating in the abominations of Canaan, such as child sacrifice, and required that they redeem their firstborn with animal sacrifices instead, the Book of Genesis draws a contrast between the true and living God, the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and the false gods of the pagans. God commands Abraham to sacrifice his son, but prevents him from actually going through with the sacrifice, for it is faith and not his son, that God wanted from Abraham. Abraham, when asked by Isaac where the lamb for the sacrifice is, makes the prophecy that God Himself will provide a lamb, a prophecy that we see fulfilled in the New Testament when John the Baptist, speaking of Jesus, says “Behold, the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the world.” The pagan idols, who are really devils, require their worshippers to sacrifice their children, the true and living God, gave His only-begotten Son as the sacrificial Lamb Who would take away the sin of the world.

As the Christian religion grew and spread throughout the ancient world, its influence led, among other things, to the Roman Empire’s finally banning infanticide. If anything actually deserves to be described as an enlightened ethical step forward in the right direction this was it. By using this language to describe the revival of pagan baby murder, the Left demonstrates just how much its concept of “progress” really is King Caspian’s “going bad” after all. It also reveals itself to be just another form of ancient, pagan, devil worship.

The question for Andrew Scheer and the Conservative Party is, what God do you serve? Scheer, who was raised in the Roman Catholic Church, claims to be a Christian but this is also the case with Justin Trudeau. As long as Scheer, like his predecessor Harper, prevents the members of his party from actively combating the evil of baby murder and instead requires them to join in the loony Left’s crusade against its chimerical bugbear of “white racism”, it is not the true and living God that he is serving.

Fortunately for him, he has Justin Trudeau to make him look so much better than he really is. How much better for us, it would be, however, if instead of relying on this, he were to come out and take a bold stand on the things for which the Conservative Party ought to be standing. He could start by promising the turn the clock back a century and a half, to right after Confederation before the Liberal Party got their grubby hands on the country and things started to go downhill.