CAFE

Dedicated to Free Speech, Immigration Reform, and Restoring Political Sanity

CAFE

CAFE’S GEORGE ORWELL FREE SPEECH AWARD, 2023

George Orwell Free Speech Award, 2023

                In 2021, the Canadian Association to Free Expression (CAFÉ) revived the George Orwell Free Speech Award, started in the 1980s by the late Doug Christie, the “Battling Barrister.” The last one was awarded in 2013, the year one of Canada’s most outstanding defenders of free speech died. In 2021, with the permission of Doug Christie’s widow, we revived the award. Because of the generosity of a special donor, the award is accompanied by a $1,000 prize. It is awarded alternately in Eastern and Western Canada. In 2021, the winner was political prisoner and editor of Your Ward News, Dr. James Sears. The award was presented in Toronto. In 2022, the award winners were brother and sister political prisoners Alfred and Monika Schaefer. The award was presented in Vancouver. This year, the award was presented on October 12 in Toronto to Jurgen Neumann.

                The award read: The Canadian Association for Free Expression Presents The George Orwell Free Speech Award for 2023 For Outstanding Courage In Challenging Censorship and Defending Freedom  In Pursuit of the Truth And for Outstanding Talent as a Freedom Communicator & Videographer who has collected and preserved so many vital historical speeches, events, and discoveries online for future generations to Jurgen  Neumann.   Presented in Toronto,  October 12 , 2023 Continuing a Tradition Begun by the late Douglas Hewson Christie, The Battling Barrister & the Canadian Free Speech League.”

                Adding his congratulations was Christian Klein, President of the Association of German Expellees and himself a longtime supporter of the late Mr. Zundel’s struggle for free speech and historical truth.

                We received a number of congratulatory messages. One came from fellow videographers Diane King and Jim Rizoli:On our last trip to Canada about five years ago or so, one of the most important things we had to accomplish was to meet up with Jurgen Newmann to acquire all of the Ernst Zundel and any other Revisionist videos that he had. This was particularly significant since both Ernst and Ingrid had died and the estate was relegated to Ingrid’s son who would have nothing to do with the revisionist community whatsoever. What Jurgen possessed was an immensely valuable archive of information dealing with the truths about The Third Reich and WWII. Jim spent time with Jurgen acquiring these videos, which we have been able to promote and display on BitChute and other formats and will continue to do so as long as we are able. We could not have accomplished this without Jurgen and his dedication to the truth concerning and on behalf of the Germans in WWII and The Third Reich.”

                You can watch this year’s George Orwell presentation here: https://archive.org/details/george-orwell-award-presentation-12-october-2023

CAFE Director Paul Fromm Presents 2023 Winner Jurgen Neumann With the George Orwell Free Speech Award
Christian Klein, Committee of German Expellees, Salutes Jurgen Neumann

From Dubya to Dhaliwal

Throne, Altar, Liberty

The Canadian Red Ensign

The Canadian Red Ensign

Friday, February 5, 2021

From Dubya to Dhaliwal

 I am a Tory rather than a true libertarian.   Actual libertarians would say that government is either a necessary evil or an unnecessary one, depending upon whether the libertarian is one who believes in the “nightwatchman state” model or one who believes that the state is a criminal plot against the rights of the individual.   I hold to the classical view that laws are necessary and that government is a good thing in the sense that it is an institution that was established and exists to serve the good of the public.   The degree to which any specific government in any specific time and place can be said to be either good or bad depends upon the degree to which it actually accomplishes this purpose.   Having said all of that, I am the kind of Tory who, like the novelist Evelyn Waugh and his son Auberon, has a great deal of sympathy for the minimal government type of libertarian.   As the elder Waugh once put it “I believe in government; That men cannot live together without rules but that they should be kept at the bare minimum of safety.”     It is from this perspective that I make the following observations. 

Whenever government declares “war” against something other than another country, whether it be drugs, crime, poverty, whatever, it is for the purpose of expanding its own powers.    This expansion of government is never necessary and it always involves the diminishing of the civil rights and freedoms of the governed.   It is very difficult to contract the powers of government after they have been expanded and to restore rights and freedoms after they have been diminished.   Any time, therefore, that the government starts talking about wars against abstract enemies we should take this as an alarm bell telling us to stand up for our rights and liberties before we lose them.

You are perhaps thinking at this point that I am about to apply this to the militaristic language our governments have been using while announcing totalitarian restrictions as their response to the spread of the bat flu.   While that is certainly a valid application, I will let you make it for yourselves.   Instead, I wish to consider another example from twenty years ago, the ramifications of which are now becoming most evident.

On September 11, 2001, al-Qaida, an Islamic terrorist organization that had evolved out of the CIA-trained mujahideen that the United States had employed against the Soviet Union following the latter’s invasion of Afghanistan decades earlier, attacked its former sponsor by hijacking planes and flying them into the towers that symbolized American and international commerce in Lower Manhattan.   The American President at the time, George W. Bush, shortly thereafter declared a “Global War on Terror” and gave the rest of the world an ultimatum to either stand with the United States in this battle or be counted on the side of the enemy.

By declaring war on the abstraction of terrorism in general rather than merely the specific, concrete, terrorist organization al-Qaida that had attacked America, Bush signaled that he had a far more ambitious project than merely settling the score and punishing the perpetrators of 9/11.   While terrorism is notoriously difficult to define due to a lack of consensus with regards to certain of the particulars there is a general understanding that it occupies the space where the kind of violence that law enforcement deals with and the kind that requires a military response overlap each other.   This makes it a particularly bad choice for an enemy in an abstract war.   In addition to the problem common to all wars against abstract enemies, that they can never be won and brought to a decisive end because abstract enemies cannot surrender or be toppled or killed, a war against terrorism is an invitation to merge the law enforcement and military functions of government in a way that threatens the privacy, rights, and freedoms of the governed.

This is precisely what happened with the Bush administration’s War on Terror.    In the first month of the War on Terror the Office of Homeland Security was established which about a year later would be expanded into the Department of Homeland Security, a creepy body, like something out of a totalitarian dystopia, in which the line between law enforcement and the military is all but eliminated.   In less than two months after 9/11 the Bush administration had drafted and pushed through Congress the draconian Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism (USA PATRIOT) Act, which stripped Americans of anything but nominal constitutional protection of their privacy rights and turned the American republic into an Orwellian surveillance state. 

I knew full well at the time that this was a power grab aimed at expanding the powers of the American government at the expense of the privacy, rights and freedoms of ordinary Americans.   I knew this because this is precisely what the men who were rushing to do this in September of 2001 had been saying about similar efforts on the part of the Clinton administration in the 1990s.

In the spring of 1995 I was finishing my freshman year as a theology student.   At the very end of the semester a terrorist attack in the United States was all over the news.   A truck loaded with a homemade bomb had been detonated outside the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City.   Bill Clinton immediately began pointing to this event as demonstrating the need for the Omnibus Counterterrorism Bill that his Attorney General Janet Reno’s Department had drafted and that had been introduced in the US Senate a couple of months earlier by none other than the present occupant of the White House who at the time was Senator for Delaware (Chuck Schumer was the sponsor of the Bill in the House of Representatives).   The bill met with strenuous opposition from civil libertarians of the left and right and consequently it was only a very emaciated version that was signed into law by Bill Clinton on Hitler’s birthday the following year.  When, barely a week after 9/11, Bush’s Attorney General John Ashcroft had the draft of the PATRIOT Act available – a bill so long that few who voted on it had been able to read the entire thing – this was because he had basically recycled Clinton’s Omnibus Counterterrorism Bill, adding a few bells and whistles here and there.   Ashcroft is said to have called up Joe Biden to tell him that it was essentially the same bill that he, that is Biden, had introduced seven years earlier.   Now, although Clinton had failed to get the surveillance state he sought in 1995-1996, he did not let up in his efforts to enhance government powers in the name of fighting terrorism.   Indeed, he brought the matter up with increasing frequency as his many indiscretions began to surface and his administration became enmired in scandal.     Around 1997, for example, he wanted the FBI to be given the power to intercept and read all internet communications.   An excellent article was penned in opposition to this by the said John Ashcroft, who at the time was Senator for Missouri.   The article was entitled “Keep Big Brother’s Hands Off the Internet” and included such wise observations as the following:

“The Clinton administration would like the Federal government to have the capability to read any international or domestic computer communications…The proposed policy raises obvious concerns about Americans’ privacy…There is a concern that the internet could be used to commit crimes and that advanced encryption could disguise such activity.  However, we do not provide the government with phone jacks outside our homes for unlimited wiretaps.   Why then, should we grant government the Orwellian capacity to listen at will and in real time to our communications across the Web?…The administrations interest in all e-mail is a wholly unhealthy precedent, especially given this administration’s track record on FBI files and IRS snooping.   Every medium by which people communicate can be subject to exploitation by those with illegal intentions.   Nevertheless, this is no reason to hand Big Brother the keys to unlock our e-mail diaries, open our ATM records, read our medical records, or translate our international communications”.

Indeed.   It appears that some time between 1997 and 2001 one of the pod people from Don Siegel’s 1956 Invasion of the Body Snatchers had replaced Ashcroft with a look alike who instead of the above sound reasoning espoused rhetoric about how those raising concerns about the PATRIOT Act’s impact on civil liberties were aiding and abetting the terrorists.   He was hardly the only one.  The same could be said of a great many of the most prominent figures in American conservatism who had talked like Ashcroft about the Clinton administration’s threat to American liberties in the 1990s, only to turn around and support the PATRIOT Act in 2001.   It was at this point that I lost all respect for American conservatives – other than those like Pat Buchanan, Ron Paul, and Charley Reese who were manifestly the same people, espousing the same principles, regardless of whether a Clinton or a Bush was in power.

It was a couple of years later, when Bush and Ashcroft were again talking about expanding their powers to fight terrorism – they had drafted the Domestic Security Enhancement Act, nicknamed “PATRIOT II”, but it was never presented to Congress – that the late Sam Francis wrote an article explaining the case against all legislation of the type, in what was the single best response to the annoying “it’s okay when our side does it” attitude among the Bush “conservatives” that I ever read.   He wrote:

But the larger point is not what this administration does or doesn’t do with the new powers.

The point is that the powers are far larger than the government of any free people should have and that whatever powers this administration doesn’t use could still be used by future ones.

That, of course, is how free peoples typically lose their freedom—not by a dictator like Saddam Hussein suddenly grabbing power in the night and seizing all the library records but by the slow erosion of the habits and mentality that enables freedom to exist at all.

Instilling in citizens the notion that the power to seize library records is something the state needs is an excellent way to assist that erosion.

Most libertarians, of the left or the right, will tell you how we have been eroding those habits and that mentality for several decades now.  – Samuel Francis, “Bush Writing Last Chapters in Story of American Liberty”, September 25, 2003, Creators Syndicate.

The truth of Sam Francis’ words is now glaringly obvious.   

The White House is now occupied by the decrepit swamp troll who had introduced the first draft of what would eventually become the PATRIOT Act back in 1995 and he is calling for even more anti-terrorism legislation.   He has also openly turned the War on Terror against those whom the Clinton administration had in mind when they attempted, unsuccessfully, to launch their own War on Terror that year – American citizens who stand up for their rights and freedoms, especially Christians who are serious about their faith, white people who object to being vilified for the colour of their skin and turned into scapegoats, and gun owners.   

The Department of Homeland Security has issued a bulletin that implies that those who are unsatisfied that the outcome of last year’s election was legitimate, are opposed to the lockdown measures that trample all over their rights and freedoms (“frustrated with the exercise of government authority” is how the memo words this), or both, are potential violent threats to the United States.    A government that regards around half of the people it governs as threats is no longer a constitutional government that respects limits on its own power for the protection of its citizens and their rights and freedoms.  It is more like a government that fears and has declared war on its own people.   The progressive media that during the last administration defended its monolithically hyper-adversarial stance with slogans like “democracy dies in darkness” has been calling for Republican senators such as Ted Cruz and Rand Paul and in some cases the entire Republican Party to be designated “domestic terrorists”.  The United States is a two-party country.   If you criminalize one of the two parties you are left, of course, with a one-party state.   Otherwise known as a totalitarian dictatorship.   The kind of state that the United States, the capital city of which is now under military occupation by its own army, is giving every impression of becoming.

From up north in the Dominion of Canada it is appalling to watch our southern neighbour turn itself into the world’s largest banana republic, both because of what it means for our American friends and because bad ideas and trends down there have a nasty habit of migrating up here.

Think back to 2001 once again.   Our Prime Minister at the time was Jean Chretien, who was in my opinion a creepy, sleazy, low-life scumbag, to list only his better qualities. While Bush, Ashcroft, et al, were making a big noise about the PATRIOT Act and all the other things they were going to do in fighting their War on Terror, Chretien, relatively quietly had Anne McLellan introduce Bill C-36, an anti-terrorism bill of his own into Parliament.  It quickly passed the House and Senate and received Royal Assent in December of that year.   It consisted of amendments to several different pieces of existing legislation, such as the Criminal Code and the Official Secrets Act.   Some of its provisions, at the suggestion of Bill Blaikie who at the time was the Member representing Winnipeg-Transcona in the House of Commons, were given sunset clauses which caused them to automatically expire in five years. Other provisions remain to this day.      

I will provide an illustration of how this led to the shameful abuse of government power twenty years ago before returning to the present.

One the pieces of legislation amended was the Canadian Security Intelligence Services Act, which created CSIS in 1984.   The amendment replaced “threats to the security of Canada” with the much broader wording “activities within or related to Canada directed toward or in support of the threat or use of acts of serious violence against persons or property for the purpose of achieving a political, religious or ideological objective within Canada or a foreign state”.   CSIS, when it took over the RCMP’s intelligence functions, also took over the issuing of security certificates, a provision of the 1978 Immigration Act which allowed for those who were not Canadian citizens to be declared a threat to national security and deported in a streamlined manner.

In December of 2001, just as Bill C-36 was going into effect, American immigration officials arrested Ernst Zündel, who had left Canada in 2000 vowing never to return, rather understandably as he had on three separate occasions been persecuted by our government for his unpopular political-historical views.  He had married an American citizen, the Russian-German Mennonite novelist Ingrid Rimland and, had he been anybody else, would have been on track for American citizenship himself.    Interestingly enough, in February of that year the men’s magazine Esquire had published an essay by journalist and war correspondent John Sack in which Zündel featured   The essay was entitled “Inside the Bunker” and recounted the writer’s experiences at the previous year’s conference of the Institute for Historical Review where he met holocaust revisionists such as Zündel.   The essay, which was later selected for inclusion in the anthology, The Best American Essays 2002, edited by Stephen Jay Gould, was more-or-less the opposite of every other article which had ever appeared about holocaust revisionists in the mainstream press.  Sack treated them respectfully, pointed out a few places where they were demonstrably right, and gave reasons for rejecting their conclusions that were based on evidence rather than abuse, for he presented them all in general, and Zündel in particular, in a sympathetic light as basically ordinary people, who were more hated than guilty of hatred and whose views arose defensively, in response to post-World War II German bashing, rather than out of anti-Semitic bigotry.  Evidently, the essay had no impact on the American and Canadian authorities.   The Americans charged him with overstaying his visa and sent him back to us.   CSIS issued a security certificate against Zündel, which it would not have been able to do prior to Chretien’s anti-terrorism bill becoming law because he was by no means a threat to the security of Canada having been a peaceful and non-violent man for all of the decades he had lived here.   Under the Anti-terrorism Act, however, they were able to stretch the very flexible new wording of their mandate to include him on the basis of people he had associated with.

He was detained and held in solitary confinement in a tiny cell for over a year while he was tried in his absence before a prejudiced judge on the grounds of evidence to which neither he nor his lawyer, Doug Christie, were given full access, and ultimately was deported to Germany where he was arrested over things he said or written in North America, charged, and sentenced to five years in prison.

To summarize, the greater flexibility that had been given to our “intelligence” agency on the grounds that it was needed to protect our country from the threat of terrorist violence was used pretty much immediately after it had passed into law, to once again persecute a man whom our government had been persecuting for his political-historical opinions since 1984, this time denying him the protection of due process that had been available to him previously and which had ultimately prevailed in those cases when the Supreme Court struck the laws under which he had been convicted down.

This was a most disgraceful episode and one that clearly demonstrates that governments that seek to expand their own powers and flexibility in order to combat foes like “terrorism” cannot be trusted to confine the use of those powers to that purpose.

Parliament did take greater precautions than the US Congress in passing the Anti-terrorism Act.   I have already mentioned that certain provisions came with sunset clauses that would cause them to expire in five years unless the House and the Senate agreed to an extension.   The Act also required that the House and Senate appoint committees to conduct a comprehensive review of the Act within its first three years, which would be a necessary preliminary step towards any extension.   While a short extension was agreed upon after the first review, ultimately these provisions were allowed to expire in 2007.   By this time Stephen Harper had become Prime Minister, but the expiration of the provisions should not be attributed to any great concern for the privacy, rights, freedoms, and due process of Canadians on his part.   In his final year as Prime Minister he introduced a new Anti-terrorism Act, Bill C-51, which was more like the USA PATRIOT Act than Chretien’s Anti-terrorism Act had been, and which greatly expanded the powers and mandate of CSIS.   Readers might recall that this loathsome piece of legislation was the reason I vowed never to vote for the Conservatives again as long as Stephen Harper led the party.   The Conservatives were defeated in the election that fall, which I would like to think was in retaliation to Bill C-51, except that they were replaced in government by the only party in Parliament that had supported them in passing it.

Now let us return to the present.   One of the provisions of Chretien’s Anti-terrorism Act that remains in effect was the creation of a list of groups officially designated as terrorists.   It is odd, actually, that this was allowed to stand, because it is one of the worst provisions in the Act.   It essentially functions like a decree of outlaw, depersoning everyone in the groups placed on the list, stripping them of all constitutional protections.

One might think that the New Democrat Party, Canada’s officially socialist party (as opposed to all the unofficial ones), with its long history of human rights rhetoric, would have a problem with this.   Back in 2015, when they were led by Thomas Mulcair, they were on the right side, the opposing side, of the Bill C-51 debate.   In 2021, however, they are led by Jagmeet Singh.   One might think that Singh, considering his open support for the cause of separating Punjab from India and Pakistan and turning it into the Sikh state of Khalistan, a cause that has frequently been supported by acts of terrorism, including one of the most notorious – if not the most notorious – to take place on, well, not on Canadian soil, but in Canadian airspace, the bombing of Air India Flight 182 in 1985, would have even more cause than other NDPers to oppose the official terror list.   At the very least one would expect him not to be throwing stones from within this particular glass house.   One would be very, very, wrong in all of this.

Not long after a number of unarmed and oddly dressed supporters of Donald the Orange temporarily delayed the Congressional certification of the Electoral College vote by entering the Capitol in Washington DC causing everyone to break out into histrionics screaming “coup” “insurgency” and the like, Singh tweeted that the event was an “act of domestic terrorism” and stated that “the Proud Boys helped execute it”, “Their founder is Canadian”, “They operate in Canada, right now” and that he was “calling for them to be designated as a terrorist organization, immediately”.

What is this “Proud Boys” that Singh thinks deserve the terrorist designation more than the mass murderers of Hindus?

It is not, as its title would seem to suggest, an organization devoted to advancing the alphabet soup cause.   It is a group that has attained notoriety over the last five years mostly for its confrontations and clashes with antifa.   Antifa are those groups of masked thugs that go to events organized by right-of-centre groups and lectures featuring speakers with views that leftists believe ought not to be heard and try to disrupt and shut down these events and lectures through intimidation and bullying.  I don’t know if this was the original intent when the Proud Boys was founded but it quickly gained a reputation as a group that was eager and willing to fight back.

The media, which has tacitly and sometimes explicitly, supported antifa for years, has attached all sorts of labels to the Proud Boys that seem to completely disregard the group’s account of itself.   It is frequently called “white nationalist”, for example, despite the fact that it has always been multiracial, that its founder, the Canadian born “godfather of hipsterdom” and co-founder of Vice magazine, Gavin McInnes, is a civil nationalist who explicitly rejected racial nationalism, and its current leader, the one who has been charged with regards to the incident on Capitol Hill, is an Afro-Cuban.   McInnes described the group as “Western Chauvinist” but he explained this quite clearly in terms of the values of Western Civilization, which anyone from any race can adhere to and which, in an irony totally lost on his progressive critics, are entirely liberal – in the sense of classical liberal – values.  

Since the facts obviously conflict with the claim that the Proud Boys are white nationalists, why do the media and the self-appointed anti-hate watchdog groups continue to so designate them?

Obviously it is because they are not using the term to convey any meaningful information about who and what the group is but as a weapon to demonize, discredit, and destroy it.

The exact same thing can be said about Jagmeet Singh Dhaliwal’s call to designate the group a “terrorist organization”.   There is little if anything in the facts that would support this designation in any meaning-conveying sense.   The violence perpetrated by antifa which exists solely for the purpose of using violence or the threat of violence to suppress opinions with which the left disagrees and silence those who hold such opinions far more closely fits the meaning of the word terrorism than pushing or punching back against said violence, whatever else one might think about this sort of responding in kind.   The designation is not intended to be meaningful, it is intended to destroy a group that Singh opposes for political reasons.

This is a terrible misuse of a law that seems like it was written to be terribly misused.

Singh followed up on his tweet by raising the matter in Parliament and bringing it to a vote.   The House unanimously voted for a motion recommending that the government add the Proud Boys to the terrorist list.   There was not a single dissenting vote.   Anybody in the Conservative Party who might have thought that antifa and BLM deserved to be on that list much more than the Proud Boys kept that thought to himself.   Anybody in the NDP or Green parties who might have objected to the terrorist list even existing on the grounds that it is a threat to human rights, kept that thought to himself.   This unanimous vote to declare the group a terrorist organization for entirely political reasons, depersoning its members and stripping them of their constitutional protections, speaks extremely poorly about the politicians we have sent to Parliament, and bodes very ill for our country’s future.

The motion in Parliament had no binding force on the government.   Bill Blair, the ex-cop who is Public Safety Minister – a title from the French Reign of Terror which ought not to exist in a free Commonwealth realm, back to Solicitor General, please – told the CBC that the decision would be based on “intelligence and evidence collected by our national security agencies” and that “Terrorist designations are not political exercises”.     On February 3rd he declared that the Proud Boys, along with a bunch of obscure groups that few have ever heard of before, had been added to the list.    

Jagmeet Singh was elated, although it was reiterated on the occasion that his motion was not a motivating factor in the decision (yeah right), and he called upon the government to go even further in eliminating groups that disagree with him.  He was quoted by the CBC as saying:

We need to build a country where everyone feels like they belong. Those hateful groups have no place in our country.

Clearly all anti-terrorism legislation needs to be repealed immediately.   Anything that gives such a man, who is so completely stupid that he cannot see the glaring contradiction between these two sentences, this kind of power to destroy those he doesn’t like is a far greater threat to our country than terrorism itself. Posted by Gerry T. Neal at 7:44 AM

: Auberon Waugh, Bill Blaikie, Bill Blair, Bill Clinton, Ernst Zündel, Evelyn Waugh, Gavin McInnes, George W. Bush, Jagmeet Singh, Janet Reno, Jean Chretien, John Ashcroft, John Sack, Sam Francis, Stephen Harper

Jim Rizoli Discusses THE ZUNDEL TRIALS and Reparations Continue

Jim Rizoli Discusses THE ZUNDEL TRIALS and Reparations Continue

JIM RIZOLI DISCUSSES THE ZUNDEL
(FALSE NEWS) TRIALS IN CANADA
1985, 1988 – June 20, 2019
Contact Jim via Email – mrtapman@gmail.com or
Diane at dianekayking@hotmail.com
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UPDATE ON THE WITCHHUNT AGAINST MARC LEMIRE

Andrew Dreschel: City of Hamilton places staffer linked to white supremacy on leave

External probe will track databases, computers and cellphone use

OPINION May 23, 2019 by Andrew Dreschel  The Hamilton Spectator

MARC LEMIRE

Marc Lemire, is seen in this undated file photo. Lemire, an information technology analyst, was exposed earlier this month as the alleged former head of the notorious but now defunct Heritage Front.

A City of Hamilton staffer under investigation for links to a white supremacist group has been placed on a leave of absence pending the outcome of the probe.

Marc Lemire, an information technology analyst, was exposed earlier this month as the alleged former head of the notorious but now defunct Heritage Front, igniting a firestorm of community outrage and concerns over his potential access to personal information.

City employees under investigation are placed on either a paid or unpaid leave of absence.

Because of privacy rules, at this point the city can’t specify whether Lemire is being paid or not. Choosing her words carefully, city manager Janette Smith would only say he’s “not at work while the investigation is going on.”

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  • UPDATE: New city manager Janette Smith promises probe into former neo-Nazi working as IT analyst

Smith doesn’t know how long the probe will take, but she expects it to be completed sooner rather than later.

“We’re looking at weeks, not months. I don’t want this to drag on for everyone involved.”

According to Smith, the city has hired two external firms to conduct the investigation. She declined to reveal their names — she believes one contract has yet to be signed.

“What I will say, though, is the report will come directly to me.”

Smith says it was decided to hire two firms in order to be “thorough.” The companies are looking at, among other things, what data Lemire may have had access to.

According to city human resources director Lora Fontana, in a case like this, experts would also research web-based information from publicly available sources and use advanced search techniques to locate information on social media, deep web databases, people and record sites as well as forensic imaging of computers and cellphones.

Lemire, who’s believed to be in his early 40s, has been linked in the past to racist and homophobic views, as well as controversial figures such as Holocaust denier Ernst Zundel, neo-Nazi Wolfgang Droege and white nationalist Paul Fromm, who ran for mayor of Hamilton last year.

The controversy over his employment erupted May 8 thanks to an article by Vice News. Lemire responded to local media inquiries by denying he’s a neo-Nazi or white supremacist, or that he was ever president of the Heritage Front. He claimed his connection to the Heritage Front dates back to his teens, insisted he rejected the group many years ago and asserted his professional integrity.

Some critics, however, allege he still publicizes extremist views on a website he maintains. Presumably the investigation will establish the facts of the matter.

The investigation hinges on whether Lemire — who was hired around 2004 — contravened the employee code of conduct or other policies governing staff behaviour. In other words, whether he has promoted views that could damage the reputation of the city.

Penalties for infractions cover a range of options, including unpaid suspensions to termination with cause.

“I know from my experience in leadership, you have to look at every situation uniquely and determine what’s the best course of action,” said Smith.

Angry citizens have criticized senior staffers for hiring Lemire in the first place and for failing to respond to concerns brought to their attention last fall.

It’s not clear if Lemire disclosed his connections with the Heritage Front at the time of his hiring or if management took any precautionary steps over previously raised concerns.

Smith didn’t directly answer a question about whether the investigation encompasses staff’s handling of the matter. She noted, however, that hiring is now a “different world” than it used to be, and she’ll look at whether changes need to be made.

As a non-unionized employee, Lemire could simply be fired without cause and sent packing with a healthy severance. But to her credit, Smith not only appears to be doing her best to get to the bottom of it all, she’s also striving to be fair to all concerned, including Lemire.

Lady Michele Renouf’s Report on Days 10, 11, & 12 of Alfred & Monika Schaefer’s Trial

Lady Michele Renouf’s Report on Days 10, 11, & 12 of Alfred & Monika Schaefer’s Trial

 

This Friday, September 14, the free speech trial of the Schaefers commences for three more days of hearings, not to render a verdict, Lady Michele makes clear in a recent letter.

 

 

Paul Fromm

Director

CANADIAN ASSOCIATION FOR FREE EXPRESSIONTBR Special Message from the Editor

This just in from Munich . . .

Alfred Schaefer and Monika Schaefer 

Trial Summary, Days 10, 11 and 12


Michéle Renouf has provided another update for TBR subscribers on the Schaefer siblings trial in Munich.
Days 10, 11 & 12 – August 14, 15 & 16, 2018
A report by Michèle, Lady Renouf for THE BARNES REVIEW
DAY 10 – Tuesday, August 14, 2018
DENYING IMPLIES LYING IN THE GERMAN WORD “LEUGNER”
During today’s court hearing, Alfred commemorated the achievements of the late Ernst Zündel, the first anniversary of whose death was a week earlier on August 5. Together with his forensic and legal team, Ernst brought groundbreaking facts to light in cross-examination of key Jewish experts during trials conducted in Toronto, Canada in 1985 and 1989. A skilled publicist (out of necessity), he brought these to Canadian public attention despite special interest media resistance.
Monika’s Attorney Wolfram Nahrath comments: “For several minutes after today’s screening by Alfred Schaefer of the videoed interview of the Canadian-German [lifelong pacifist and publisher] Ernst Zündel, by [Scots-French documents expert] Professor Robert Faurisson, a respectful hush was felt by the entire courtroom,” so evident was their tenacious, scholarly perseverance in the face of totally one-sided violence which they (and other vital members of their forensic and legal teams) endured for decades in the normal duties involved in fact-finding for historical exactitude.
Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg recently gave an interview in which he suggested that the social media company did not ban “Holocaust denial” because it was “wrong,” adding that it was sometimes not “intentionally” wrong.
“Intentionality” is the issue facing the Schaefer siblings, as it was for Ernst Zündel who served a total of seven years (two in solitary confinement) for insisting to speak what he “knew to be true” and supported this truth with the groundbreaking facts his legal team exposed in cross-examinations of key Jewish eye-witnesses to the allegedly industrial mass murder weapon plus the revered Jewish “Holocaust” historian in 1985. Never before and never again.
The nub of the present trial of the Schaefer siblings similarly concerns the special and additional element in the meaning of “leugner.” As pointed out (upon Zündel’s death) by the Canadian Jewish News: “Ernst Zündel, who became a virtual household name in Canada’s Jewish community for his [so-called] denial” in [so-called] “false news” trials—“the charge explored whether Zündel knew his views were false.” He was charged under Section 181 of the Criminal Code’s prohibition against “spreading false news” for publishing the booklet “Did Six Million Really Die? The Truth At Last.”
Appeals went to the Supreme Court of Canada, which in 1992 struck down the false news section of the Criminal Code for violating Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
On the 50th anniversary of the capitulation of the German military on May 8, 1995, Zündel’s home in Canada was firebombed, his historical investigative research went up in flames, this central Toronto property completely destroyed. And despite the mortal danger as well to every passerby or post-handler in service of the delivery process, the bombers (who self-identified as the Jewish Defence League) were never prosecuted. As is often the case, the corporate media “gatekeepers of mendacity and manipulative bias” mis-depicted the victim (who had harmed no one, save exposing testimonial liars) as if the callous culprit.
Zündel reports in this video, screened in court by Alfred, about how he had to flee from Canada to the USA because of increasingly serious deadly attacks against him. He was not to be safe there, either. When the validity of his visa expired in the USA, and despite being long married to an American citizen, within hours he was arrested (via this trivial administrative pretext) and deported to Canada on February 19, 2003. Under a new legislation later disqualified, he was deported to a German prison in 2005. In the video proof that the ADL had secret agreements with three non-transparent democracies may be deduced in the legalistic swindle enabling the extraordinary deportation of Ernst Zündel from Canada (where he had been a peaceful resident since age 19) to Germany (his birthplace). This sly (later found illegitimate) extradition of the civil-opinioned publisher was accomplished quietly with a private plane and seven officials.
Following the screening of this video, Alfred Schaefer emphasized why this film was so important to him. The interview helped him to understand a great deal and especially the “contrariwise” pretexts as he recognised them in similarly projected charges against his own good character and his civic-loving sister of “incitement to hatred, contempt or slander.”
Interviewed by Professor Faurisson, Ernst Zündel prophesied in this video: “I am happy in my role, if I contributed something for the truth and the freedom for our country. How many people in history have this opportunity?”
In these two legendary trials conducted in the 1980s in Canada, cross-examined eyewitnesses to the “unique mass homicidal gas chamber” weapon admitted deploying “poetic licence” in their testimonies. Dr. Raul Hilberg, key Jewish “Holocaust” historian, too admitted he was “at a loss” when asked to produce a single document (despite alleged “well-documented” shed-loads) as proof of a state order or a single scientifically feasible operations diagram as supportive evidence—other than, in his view, that a genocide of “6 million Jews” was carried out by the German people via telepathy (“a far-flung bureaucracy, an extraordinary meeting of minds”) during the Second World War.
Zündel was defamed severely for publishing Did Six Million Really Die? yet those who firebombed his home (the self-bragging Jewish Defence League) were never brought for public exposure. What outlasts their criminal malice is the legal testimonial legacy of those Zündel trials, where Jewish eyewitnesses and experts were fairly and freely cross-examined. Now their admissions stand in the annals of bringing history into accord with the facts obscured by wartime propaganda and subsequent “Holocaust Industry” (to cite Norman Finkelstein) for eternal reparation claimants.
On the occasion of Zündel’s death—a man who lived a life never wishing or visiting violence upon anyone—the oxymoronic “Anti-Defamation League” incited global hatred for him in their media-syndicated “enemedia” (a pithy quip by Irish poet Mike Walsh).
Their headline, “Ernst Zündel: The most evil man you’ve never heard of.” Perhaps “never heard of” enough . . . for the general public to have their democratic right to judge? However, for those who have, it is a case of once met never forgotten, for the “former Jew” Henry Herskovitz (leading American “Jews for German Justice”) who remarked, as cited in the Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA local Wikipage:
“Herskovitz shares the views of Ernst Zundel, German publisher known for promoting Holocaust revisionism and author of the “Hitler we Loved and Why” who was jailed for “spreading false news” but the conviction was later overturned by the Supreme Court of Canada when the law criminalizing reporting false news [alternative opinion] was ruled unconstitutional. Following his visit, Herskovitz wrote, “Ernst Zundel, the reputed anti-Semitic devil, did not merely shake hands with me; he held mine in his. Eight years later the memory remains strong.”
Immediately after Zündel’s death, Dr. Efraim Zuroff, the chief Nazi-hunter of the Simon Wiesenthal Center and the director of the center’s Israel Office and Eastern European Affairs, mistakenly declared: “After Zündel’s release from prison, he refused to comment on his views about the Holocaust, adding that he intended to “be careful not to offend anyone and their draconian laws.” This quote is perhaps the best indication of the effectiveness of legislation to specifically ban Holocaust denial.
It is not so “effective” as this culturally incompatible debate-hater implies. In fact, these debate-hating laws only increase public skepticism and suspicions of why such laws are made to enforce a certain era in history to be revered as “the Holy of Holies” versus criminal heresy, with its Teaching Guidelines stating that “normal historical debate and rational argument” must not be applied, thus rendering “the Holocaust” as a secular religiously imposed obligation.
Indeed, on the day when Ernst Zündel was released in Mannheim, after five years to the day in prison (despite entirely good behaviour), for merely an historical opinion and investigative criticism, I happened to record that event, “Unbowed,” for my Telling Films. In the car at the outset of our journey to his ancestral Black Forest home, Ernst, a dear friend, answered calmly: “I am unbent, unbowed, by this experience. Nothing will change my mind. I used to be a critic. Only now am I an enemy” . . . perforce by this grotesque judicial advance to barbarism.
That is what happens in dreadful consequence of these debate-hate laws and their malicious punishments. Healthy sceptics are dragged towards sickening cynicism, literally into the cesspit of incarceration with the lowest of brutal criminals. Yet in the film tribute “Unbowed” one can see the quickening instincts of the naturally kind life-enhancer when this staunch prisoner of conscience smells the forest, begins hunting for medicinal herbs, and speaks of rejuvenating things ennobling in human goodwill. In total seven years to the day shut away yet never after a whining word.
Zuroff continues: “The good news is that in the Western world, the fight against Holocaust denial has been fairly successful to date, thanks to the defeat of its most dangerous advocate David Irving’s libel suit against Holocaust historian Deborah Lipstadt, and the punishment of persons like him and Zundel. And, as of this week, at least we no longer have to worry about the latter, which is, indeed, a legitimate cause for joy, despite the admonitions of the book of Proverbs. The biblical book of Proverbs (Mishlei) instructs us ‘Do not be happy when your enemy falls, and do not rejoice when he fails (Chapter 24, verse 17)’.”
Knowing Ernst (aged 78), as I and many did (and many more shall do), one can be confident that had the death of Zuroff been announced during his lifetime, Ernst would not have spoken spitefully of his Judaic anti-gentile enemy. He would have pitied him—for Ernst believed in karma (the belief that a person’s actions in life will determine their fate in the next life). Long Live Ernst in the Role Model Book of the Goodly-honest of gentlemen.
Ernst had served prison sentences in solitary confinement in the Toronto Detention Centre (where I first visited him, then attended his habeas corpus trial, where his lawyer was not permitted to know who brought the case—a secret trial!) in Canada. He then was extradited to Mannheim prison Germany (where I attended in order to archive those transcript-less trials for Telling Films). There he served a further five years merely for publishing benign historical opinions.
Like the Schaefers, Zündel and his veteran colleagues never promoted violence or harmed anyone with their findings and opinions. The Munich judges are scratching around desperately to dig up any shred of evidence of “hatred” enactments engendered by their educationally intoned videos. There is nothing hateful, but rather more akin to a “teacher” tone in the Schaefer videos, as in Ernst’s. They are lessons, as they have termed them, in the conditioning and de-conditioning of political concepts akin to George Orwell’s 1984 exposé of political conditioning before 1948 (when he wrote it) about Bolshevik Communism (and how Alfred still sees it now expressed as glamorous globalism de-culturing by anti-ethno enforcement across Europe today). Alfred says he is indebted to the “brainwashing” exposés by the former KGB defector, Yuri Bezmenov, whose legacy of lectures of warnings to Americans of Bolshevik techniques Alfred had also screened for the court in earlier sessions.
In Monika Schaefer’s letter dated as written from Stadelheim prison, Munich on June 28, 2018, she notes to its recipient Brian Ruhe that his letter (dated April 5th) did not reach her “for almost eight weeks.” Now, ever since her trial began on July 2nd, there has been a dramatic change in the two-way correspondence delivery speed. One wonders if this is in order to facilitate the prosecution’s hope that somehow they can suggest—as the judge did about the public gallery person who “insulted” the prosecutor as she left the courtroom—that this sort of thing constitutes “evidence” of Monika’s and Alfred’s alleged intention to “incite hatred.” It seems the court is desperate to find examples. If blaming Alfred for a stranger who chose to “insult” the prosecutor after she left the courtroom with a remark—“You should experience the inside of a prison before sending anyone there”—is anything to go by as requisite “evidence” enough to keep the siblings locked away in cells behind bars for multiple years to come.
It is as well to remind American readers that politically incorrect civil utterances made on German soil are eligible as “evidence” of a crime, roping harmless individuals in prison. I recall Ernst Zündel (whom I’d occasionally meet for lunch in his childhood town of Pforzheim) explaining the incredible. He’d tell me: “When I get off the phone to Ingrid [his dear wife] I feel like a coward. She simply cannot grasp that I cannot say what she’d like me to say here in Germany” . . . and that would include anything for her to publish in her widespread Zündelgram, which would land him straight back in jail, an unbelievable reality.
Equally baffling is the action taken against Ernst, the political prisoner of conscience, to keep him separated from his toothbrush on a stool outside his solitary confinement cell in case this proven lifelong pacifist tried to deploy it as a weapon. Dr. Zuroff interprets conscientious objector Zündel’s migration at age 19 from his native Germany to Canada to avoid recruitment in the German army as shamefully “by his own admission, avoiding military service.” These thought-crime cases seem to rely, for the most part, on subjective interpretation. “I remain unbent, unbowed, by this experience,” said Ernst after seven inhumane years, forced to experience only the dangerous and deranged company of murderous criminals—an amazing feat of mind over matter.
Indeed, in a letter from her Munich prison, Monika wrote of B’nai Brith Canada who prompted her arrest: “I am feeling quite calm and strong. Also preparing myself for the wrath of a certain group of chosen people. No matter how much wrath they have, and no matter what they do, no matter how hard they try, they can NEVER transform their fictions into facts. And they will never extinguish the Light of Truth. Amen.”
How much longer, asks Alfred, can this kind of courtroom “Muppet Show” conduct go unchallenged by fair, non-biased judicial norms? This sounds similar to questions raised by learned judges in the USA about the conduct of the “lynch mob” Nuremberg trials in 1946.
At the beginning of the court session, again the urgency had been emphasised by the leading judge that the verdict was scheduled for pronouncement on Friday, August 17th, because of the upcoming vacation recess. Nevertheless, Alfred Schaefer suggested showing all his videos for they are self-explanatory, especially the content, he said, of the video from “Red Ice Radio.”
Earlier in the day the hearing had resumed with the reading of the last part of the translation of the film “Questions about the Holocaust” which had not been completed for the previous hearing.
The attorneys asked for a revision of the translation. Alfred commented on the translation that the truth must be said.
This part describes the gratuitous post-war crimes committed by the American Allies against German guards at Dachau prison in 1945, German guards who had only been detached to Dachau shortly before the Americans arrived. These Germans surrendered their weapons and were rounded up by the Americans, placed against a wall, and shot immediately. Such treatment of POWs is a war crime that has never been punished.
Furthermore, the conditions in the concentration camps at Nordhausen and Bergen-Belsen were described, following the bombing and invasion by the Allies. Nordhausen camp was aerial bombed by the Americans on April 3, 1945. Trains in which prisoners were sitting were machine-gunned. In the camp itself, there were 4,000 sick people who were shot at with air cannons. The British Allies previously had blown up the water supply to the camp. A Jewish eyewitness reported that only due to the Allied air raids and the incendiary bombs had the camp become a hell-hole. Then, after taking the camp with ground troops, this hell the Allies had created they then filmed and cynically presented, as evidence of German atrocities, at the Nuremberg Trials.
It should be noted that there were many decent Americans back home and distinguished American lawyers at the time who were highly critical of the evident “lynch mob justice” meted out during the entirely dubious conduct of the Nuremberg Trials and upon which so much of current illegitimacy is based
Germany’s continuing lack of sovereignty and wartime Allied occupation (as warned by Professor Carlo Schmid in 1948) may require citizens and legislators to take an interest, as did the two retired judges of Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court, Hassemer and Hoffmann-Riem, who called for the repeal of the “Holocaust-denial” law.
In English, the word denial does not imply lying. In the German word “leugner” there is the additional implication that the denier knows the truth, yet he/she knowingly denies that truth. The opposite is the case with the Schaefers, as was the case with Zündel. They believe it is the truth that is being denied and they seek to tell it. Yet laws made in opposition to what the general public presume have been created democratically fair, these “heresy laws” forbid open and free scholarly and forensic enquiry.
Having installed exceptionalism in law, this opposes the natural means of investigation to establish the facts with a stumbling block of pre-biased legislation. The “Holocaust” law asserts that “it” is “obvious” and requires no investigation. The term “Holocaust-denial,” therefore, is deliberate falsification, like a religious heresy, which ordains what is “known” must be accepted on faith in the shed-loads of critically unexamined eyewitness statements and photographs (some considered by Udo Walendy and John Ball to be fabricated) as proofs of an alleged method of a unique industrial mass murder, upheld above source critical and scientific enquiry for each and every subjective claim.
The CJN concludes: “Today, Holocaust education is firmly entrenched in school curricula around the world and Holocaust remembrance is engrained in Western culture. The memory of the Holocaust will long outlast Zundel’s legacy. . .” This is debatable. Some note that there are appearing “cracks in the Jewish cement covering the planet” (to quote Michael Hoffman from the Zündel videos). Ignorance of Zündel’s legal cross-examination legacy, and deference to fear-inducing tyrannical debate-denial laws are no longer prevailing.
My fellow educationalist Richard Edmonds provides me with a summary of the article written by the Spiegel magazine editor, Fritjof Meyer, and published in the semi-official German government periodical Osteuropa in May 2002. Meyer’s article has the headline, “The number of victims at Auschwitz: new research in the archives give us a new understanding.”
“The claim that four million were murdered at Auschwitz is a product of the Allies’ war-time propaganda. The Auschwitz camp Kommandant, Rudolf Hoess, was tortured by the British into making that claim.”
Meyer cites the Polish expert, Waclaw Dlugoborski, who was the former research director at the Polish government’s Auschwitz memorial centre. Dlugoborski wrote in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung in 1998, “The claim that four million were murdered at Auschwitz was made at the Allies’ Nuremberg trial of the defeated German leaders (1945-46) by the Soviet prosecutor. From the very beginning this claim was not accepted; but in Eastern Europe (at the time of communist regimes) it became a dogma and was enforced by law.”
Meyer further cites the research of British historian Rupert Butler revealed in his book,Legions of Death, published by Hamlyn Books of London in 1982. Butler interviewed members of a special unit of the British Army who had captured the former Auschwitz kommandant and tortured him to obtain the “confession” that he, Hoess, had murdered four million.
The plaques commemorating “4 million” at Auschwitz have long been replaced—consequence of the important normal work of historical source critical revisionists’ research—by plaques commemorating “1.1 million,” though even so, Meyer (like the International Red Cross inspectors of those camps) speaks of thousands not millions who died of various causes at that wartime concentration camp. Respected British newspaper Daily Express announced in 1933, “Judea Declares an Economic War on Germany,” with the result that concentration camps like Auschwitz were established largely, as is the norm in wartime, to concentrate in the camps declared enemies of that nation-state (in this case, declared as such by their people’s Jewish Federation president and World Zionist Organisation leader Chaim Weizmann). Not every citizen agrees with war declarations by their state or federation leaders. Alas, that is how it is for all citizens who are thus rendered by their own leaders as enemy agents—this is a universally accepted matter of fact.
Fritjof Meyer published his sensational theses on Auschwitz in the journal Osteuropa. An article by Professor György Schöpflin has this year appeared in this scientific newspaper Osteuropa, which is very well known in Europe, attacking European Union policy with sharp words. He openly declares that Europe is being blackmailed by the “Holocaust” and “human rights” policy and is leading to a new dictatorship. 
The article was published by renowned German Society for Eastern European Studies (DGO), Deutschen Gesellschaft für Osteuropakunde.
A paper entitled “Central Europe in the trap of misalliance with the EU” was published in the 3-5 / 2018 edition by Prof. Schöpflin. It is at least as revolutionary, by some opinions, and even more fundamental than the revelations of Meyer. The professor has taught at English universities and is a MEP for the Hungarian Fidesz Party. He is also an advisor to Hungarian President Viktor Orban. The article is so revolutionary that some cannot think it is possible to publish this contribution without massive support in the background.
Apparently, all contributions are first submitted in English and then translated into German. The article would appear to be a clear sign that the opposition to debate-denial is becoming stronger and stronger, as the Schaefers seem to think.
The Abstract reads as follows:
Western Europe is shaped by the hegemony of a quasi-fundamentalist liberalism, which a supra-state elite enforces with the help of a deterministic concept of history and the so-called human rights. This leads to tensions with the states of Central Europe. The societies of this region have experienced a different history, a history of oppression and forced modernization. This trauma is repeated; again the hope for a resurrection of the free nation has not been met; again democratically elected governments must defend against externally imposed changes. (Osteuropa 3-5 / 2018, p. 323-350).
These videos provided by the Schaefers demonstrate that Alfred and Monika Schaefer did not start their educational-intending work careless of any consequences, on the contrary, and so any accusations of malice must be judged unfounded Their videos and their socially conscientious conduct demonstrate they act out of deepest concern (right or wrong, but never knowingly wrong). Observers conclude, “The siblings undertook a thorough analysis of the subjects, working carefully with verifiable sources. In the videos they produced and screened in court we see Alfred Schaefer shows many commonly held opinions by field experts who query and provide their proofs of the controversial infeasibility of the official legend of ‘9/11,’ the Hollywood versions of history produced by Stephen Spielberg, the moon landing together with Stanley Kubrick’s self-confessed faking of moon landing photographs taken by this science fiction film-maker in his studio.”
As it happens, Lois and Buzz Aldrin were personal friends of mine, and had I had benefit at the time of knowledge of these fake photos by Stanley Kubrick, what an opportunity missed to quiz this “second man on the moon.” As it was, I only knew to enjoy his quip to the Australian TV commentator who tried to maintain that the reason for Buzz Aldrin’s subsequent 15 years’ depression was “sulking that he was only the second not the first man on the moon”! Buzz quipped convincingly that it would be wiser “to envy the third man, as he remained in the getaway van”!
As for Stanley Kubrick, whom I knew only professionally, Kubrick auditioned me on the set for a part in his terrifying movie “The Shining.” As it happens I got the part, though later refused it to my agent’s dismay, for I would not act opposite Jack Nicholson, as it turned out, in a nude scene. There again, one came close to posing an historical question and getting at least a firsthand impression from the horse’s mouth – yet without videos which inform of both sides of controversial issues, one is at a loss when opportunities for source criticism trot up for the asking! These are personal experiences, both lightweight and serious, among many one might make for open debate and rational argument.
Moreover, a witness to the siblings’ trial (an ex-policeman with an eye for “good and bad cop” techniques) noticed that “Alfred Schaefer gave a stage to leading Jews in his videos, who made no secret of the fact that they see all non-Jews as insects and human excrement, whose dissolution or extermination would be acceptable, as incited, in accord with their scriptural Talmudic law books by which Jews’ leaders of today interpret their guiding Bible.”
Alfred Schaefer does not let himself be branded as a criminal by what he calls this secular religious “inquisition” brought against him and his sister by B’nai Brith Canada in what he considers—in line with Professor Carlo Schmid—is a court still bereft of its own sovereignty. He explained to the judges that he “was witness to crimes being committed against himself by the employees of the BRD [Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Federal Republic of Germany] which can be seen in his video “Police Raid and My Confession.” It remains to be seen if the judges will allow this video to be shown on the upcoming court days. As for the siblings’ videos already shown, the four judges, public gallery visitors, the police officers and the left-wing media have witnessed the screening of these videos. “Dismay (concern) could be seen in the faces of those present, except for Judge Hoffmann, public Prosecutor Bankwitz and the left-wing media,” according to some public attendees.
Alfred added that his present time in prison is very instructive for him, because he is learning there that many young people already know about the true situation, especially those coming from war-torn lands with firsthand experience.
The Schaefer legal representatives requested that allegations number 1, 5 and 8 against Alfred Schaefer and allegations number 8 and 9 against Monika Schaefer be set aside. At 5 p.m. the session ended. The trial continues on Thursday, August 16, at 9:15 a.m. 
DAY 11 – Thursday, August 16th, 2018 
HERESY-THINK: Police assigned to court gallery, judge forbids memo-making 
Today was scheduled for the final pleas before the verdict was due to be pronounced the following day.
The session began with the reading of a court ruling accusing Alfred Schaefer of “incitement to hatred” at a demonstration in Dresden in 2017, for which he was fined “100 daily rates of 50 euros each.”
“Incitement” equates to any civilly expressed sympathy or calling into question and speaking publicly on topics which might appear to give a positive evaluation of ANY aspect of the National Socialist era, displaying any related insignia, or valor recognised even by the Allies of its wartime military prowess, technology, camaraderie, animal rights, workers’ rights, family values, aesthetics, scientific, medical or cultural advancements.
This month of August, press headlines announce: “To hide or not to hide Nazi past: Debate raging in Germany over video game displaying swastikas.”
The article “Germany lifts strict constitutional ban on Nazi symbols to allow them in video games” reports comments like these: “This is a good move in a time where everyone is too lazy to read about history,” one of the game admirers wrote on Twitter. “One doesn’t become a Nazi just by seeing a swastika,” said Klaus-Peter Sick, an historian at Berlin’s Marc Bloch Centre, a Franco-German social sciences research institute, adding that players “know how to tell the difference between fiction and reality.” 
How do they? The International Teaching Guidelines on the era insist that “normal historical debate and rational argument” must not be applied (page 11). The Entertainment Software Self-Regulation Body (USK), which is responsible for issuing age ratings for video games, promised to ensure that the softening of the ban would not promote Nazism: “This has long been the case for films and with regard to the freedom of the arts, this is now rightly also the case with computer and video games.”
Readers of the Munich reports are reminded that the Schaefer case hangs on the German definition of “leugner,” which implies the additional aspect, absent in the English word “denial,” of deliberate lying. The Schaefer siblings, as per the investigative method of historical source critical revisionism, define themselves as “Holocaust-Revisionists”—as opposed to their opponent’s interpretation and definition of them as “Holocaust-deniers.” The former assert their method means a revision of consensual-facts as opposed to knowingly denying (as a so-called “Holocaust-denier”) what he/she knows are the “obvious” facts as already set-in-stone to be revered in the manner of a religious faith with attendant heresy prosecution and above any citizen’s “decent thought” scrutiny.
As for skeptics (right or wrong) resistant to thought-crimes prosecution like the Schaefer siblings, ANY questioning of the historical sources of “the Holocaust” and criticizing anything Jewish or suggesting there are racial and ethical differences, German citizenry, like British citizenry, have been taught to fear and dread any association with or to be seen to take an interest in such “anti-semitic”-defined issues. This can be learnt on the broad and byways, transports and cafes in Munich—and can be experienced where raising these topics in any tone or mode can undermine family harmony.
These debate-denial termed “hate” and “denial” laws in themselves can incite fear so potently that a family will self-choose its own demise for the sake of remaining loyal to the politically correct line. An example has arisen during the Schaefer trial. In Britain, in the case of Jeremy Bedford-Turner—after being goaded by the demonstrators calling “kill him, kill him” and then during interrogation by the prosecutor expressing his civil opinions—he found out these “hate” laws, on the contrary, “can hound you out of house and home-life, so stigmatic is the infamy of simply upholding one’s non-violent opinions.” Some see the denouncing of family members has a certain resonance with Medieval religious heresy terror. Bewildering, to see its echo in our rather more secular day presumed to be less superstitiously gullible, though naturally as vulnerable.
Citizenry, argues Alfred, is being conditioned not only to fear prosecution (which he and his sister do not) but also to fear their own “nasty” skeptical thoughts termed “hate crimes.” Alfred alludes to this phenomenon in his own videos when citing the movie 1984. In the movie, as per Orwell’s book, the child overhears her father murmur against “The Party” in his nightmare, then denounces her father in her overriding loyalty to “Big Brother.” Dutifully she is satisfied with causing her father’s liquidation for heresy-think in his sleep. (It is the “brainwashing” aspect of the Schaefer trial that especially interests me, having learnt of the psychological methods of human conditioning during my marriage of 20 years to a gentile psychiatrist and psychoanalyst, and later on from post-graduate studies in the Psychology of Religion at the University of London.)
The judgment on Alfred’s speech-crime is not yet final because Alfred had filed an appeal against it. In accordance with the Basic Law of the land as it stands since 1948, and most recently codified as “Paragraph 130,” all and any free debate is prohibited concerning that formerly democratically elected National Socialist era. By consensual definition, sovereignty is the full right and power of a governing body over itself, without any interference from outside sources or bodies. In a speech, “What does the Basic Law actually mean?” Professor Carlo Schmid (one of its signatories in 1948) clarified that German citizens enjoy no sovereignty over postwar Allied—reigning Germany—and nothing changed though the Berlin Wall came down with the part-unification of the Federal Republic of Germany.
In fact, according to the statutes of the UN, there exists no peace treaty between Canada and Germany (!)—the two colluding parties in the arrest and detention in a German prison without charge since January 3, 2018 of Monika Schaefer a Canadian citizen(!).
When Professor Schmid asked in 1948 his rhetorical question, “So what is the situation in Germany today?” he answered: “On May 8, 1945, the German Wehrmacht surrendered unconditionally. . . . The unconditional surrender had legal effects exclusively on the military. . . . The surrender deed signed then did not mean that the German people, by means of legitimized representatives, no longer exists as a state. . . . That is the position of this unconditional surrender and not another.”
To Members of the Parliamentary Council, on September 8, 1948—(as recorded in “Der Parlamentarische Rat 1948-1949, Akten und Protokolle” Volume 9, published by the German Bundestag and the Bundesarchiv, Harald Boldt Verlag im R. Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 1996)—Schmid concludes on his concern at German citizenship’s lack of sovereignty: “For my part I think that it is not part of the concept of democracy that you yourselves create conditions for its elimination.”
Debate-denial laws inevitably came into existence to prosecute against speaking in public about politically incorrect taboo topics. A verdict on this type of trial is not usually expected necessary because the accused is pre-judged by the very word “Holocaust-leugner.” This term in itself renders a skeptical individual guilty of “only trying to deny the obvious genocide, which he/she knows but denies, of National Socialist tyranny by prosecutable submissions of infinite examples of pseudo-scientific proof.” Over the days of this trial one senses the mindset of the Queen of Hearts in whose courtroom she’d commence with, “Sentence first!”
Subsequently in the session arose a discussion of criminal norms in Germany. Attorney Nahrath took the view that the court had to inform Monika and Alfred Schaefer in particular about “Paragraph 130,” because both had spent most of their lives abroad and one could not assume that they were aware of it, especially since it was also a special law about which lawyers understand but a layman would not necessarily be aware. The judge was of the opinion that the lawyer could do the explaining to the two defendants during the lunch break. Attorney Nahrath refused, saying he was also entitled to a break. Otherwise, he would file an application for the court to clarify “Para 130” to the Schaefer siblings who cannot be presumed to have command of every subtlety of the German language and its special laws. The court’s answer is still pending.
Next, they turned to view another of Alfred’s videos, “End of the Lies,” in English, which also had been distributed with Russian subtitles and on various video platforms and thereby drew indignation from the court. The video covers many events in recent history. It quotes Jewish witnesses, good and bad—Benjamin Freedman with his ever-informative speech from the 1960s versus Barbara Lerner Spectre with her self-indicting statement about the plan that “Europe must learn to be multicultural and Jews will be resented for their leading role in this.” Alfred does not wish to comply with what race-dictating Barbara Spectre does not wish applied to her own exceptionalist ethnicity.
Like many commentators, Alfred foresees in Barbara Spectre’s “role” of social engineering over Europe, the engendering of a race-war—the oft cited “clash of civilizations.” Examples of such incompatible culture-clashes are increasingly arising.
Alfred Schaefer’s attorney pointed out that during the trial Alfred had repeatedly stated that his allegations “were not directed against all Jews, but only against those who had the expressed intention of wiping out white ethnicity.” Alfred had cited his specific instances.
This would be detrimental in general and intentional since this would make it impossible for white ethnicities to maintain their apparent superiority given this proof: The current mass migration of other races shows their choice of abode is in white nations, which have created societal benefits and infrastructural leadership abilities evaluated by them more highly above their own. According to Alfred Schaefer, one must defend himself against such statements as Spectre’s. He feels directly attacked and subjected to Spectre’s “leadership.” Rather than having to “learn” to live with her impositions, in fairness he sees he has his rights to offer counter-“lessons” in his videos. Alfred sees as otherwise the general public remains at the mercy of “self-irresponsible” deference and “Pavlovian dog-like obedience” to this prevailing politically secular though heresy-think intimidation.
When the court resumed in the afternoon, one could only surmise the reasoning behind the next surreality during its conduct. At the order of the leading judge, observers in the public gallery are no longer allowed to take notes! Only journalists were to be allowed to write during the proceedings. Policemen were assigned to keep the citizens in the public gallery under surveillance so that this new instruction was obeyed. By now, this is trial Day 11, so what has prompted this sudden prohibition of personal memo note-making? Can it be the court seeks to limit German citizens’ exposure to the admissions made freely by informative Jews like Freedman and Spectre, as cited that morning by Alfred?
In the course of the afternoon, a police chief detective from Fürstenfeldbruck was interrogated. Having received a complaint via email from the “Human Rights Commissioner” of B’nai Brith Canada against Alfred Schaefer an acting on the basis of the allegations, three house searches had been made of Alfred Schaefer’s apartment. The chief detective gave a detailed list of what items had been found there, how the apartment was constructed, who had been there and how they had merged two apartments into one.
Subsequently, an IT and video expert presented an opinion on the videos shown, rated these videos as not amateur, but as professional.
At the end of today’s trial session around 8:00 p.m., the prosecutor applied for more stringent detention conditions for Alfred Schaefer, because he spoke several languages, had travelled around the world and had money, so that there was an alleged increased risk of his absconding. (The obvious alternative of simply taking away both his current plus an outdated passport and placing upon him an electric tag did not occur or presumably suffice, though as yet Alfred has never been sentenced for any crime.) Both siblings remain behind bars though not sentenced.
The outcome of the Schaefer siblings’ trial will have vital implications for the liberties not only of Germans but of all visitors to European Union countries. Readers might expect that Alfred and Monika could seek protection from the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted by the United Nations in 1966 and supposedly in force since 1976, protecting basic human rights such as freedom of expression. Article 19 of this Covenant states, “Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.” It continues, “Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.”
The third paragraph of Article 19 then qualifies these rights by accepting that they can be restricted, but only by laws which are necessary “for respect of the rights or reputations of others” or for protecting national security, public order, public health or morals. Article 20 goes on, “Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law.” Yet this again contains hidden “Catch-22” exceptionalism.
Paragraph 49 of UN Human Rights Committee 2011 forbids “general prohibition,” insisting that states wishing to use the above exceptions must cite a specific instance. The French documents expert Professor Robert Faurisson wrote to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, on December 22, 2011, requesting “helpful insight into the United Nations Organisation’s understanding of freedom on the practical level today in my country, a charter signatory to the 1966 Covenant but a country which, nevertheless, sentences peaceable citizens to imprisonment for their writings on history.”
Professor Faurisson clarified: “With respect to paragraphs 35 and 36 I submit that France, in its checks on public expression of views on history under the Gayssot Act, has failed to ‘demonstrate in specific and individualised fashion the precise nature of the threat’ to the rights and reputation of persons or to public order (Covenant, article 19) purportedly constituted by utterances and writings contravening the said Act, and has failed as well to demonstrate ‘the necessity and proportionality of the specific [restrictive] action taken, in particular by establishing a direct and immediate connection between the expression and the threat’.”
The Professor received no reply. However, his query was taken up by Dr. William Schabas, of Middlesex University, in his doctorate on human rights, titled “New General Comment on Freedom of Expression Deals with Denial Laws.” Schabas writes: “The long-awaited General Comment 34 of the Human Rights Committee on freedom of expression was adopted at its recent session. It deals rather briefly with legislation that has been adopted in many countries dealing with denial of historical events like the Holocaust and the Armenian genocide. Paragraph 49 of the General Comments says: ‘Laws that penalise the expression of opinions about historical facts (fn 166) are incompatible with the obligations that the Covenant imposes on States parties in relation to the respect for freedom of opinion and expression.’ Footnote 116 says ‘So called ‘memory-laws’, see Faurisson v. France, No. 550/93’.”
The General Comment also considers blasphemy legislation. At paragraph 48, it says: “Prohibitions of displays of lack of respect for a religion or other belief system, including blasphemy laws, are incompatible with the Covenant, except in the specific circumstances envisaged in article 20, paragraph 2, of the Covenant.” Article 20(2) of the Covenant states: “Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law.” This means that one can show disrespect for a religion or other belief system as long as it does not constitute incitement to discrimination or hostility. Dr. Schabas concludes: “It looks like a hard line to draw in practice.”
This is the “line” that the prosecution appears to be trying to press for the Schaefer siblings’ case to cross
Attorneys in Germany say they have been working with that comment for several years. The courts are ignoring it in Germany saying that this comment is not binding on them. Ex-Constitutional Court judges have said “Denying the Holocaust” law is a misusage of the individual’s human right of free opinion and free speech and “should be repealed.” If it truly is not binding, then does one conclude the UN Human Rights Committee in reality has no power? So much for our “guaranteed” rights
The possible alternative date proposed for the pronouncement of the judgment is September 14, 2018, in the event that tomorrow at 9:15 a.m. the hearing could not be concluded.

DAY 12 – Friday, August 17th, 2018 
VERDICT DEFERRED FOR A MONTH 
  • Judge loses on forbidding memo-making by public in gallery
  • B’nai Brith Canada caught out by videos ban dates in Germany
PREAMBLE
This Day Ten’s session proper had begun with this trial’s typical attempt to prevent the general public from all and any freedom of information to independent thought, opinion and debate:
On Day One the microphones were not permitted to be switched on, until Monika pointed out that it was not a public trial if the public were deliberately being obstructed from hearing it.
Citizens are intimidated by having to show their identity cards before admission into the public gallery in fear that being identified as taking an interest in politically incorrect trials is tantamount in some quarters as “anti-Semitic” (for, indeed, “taking an interest” is used as such a personality trait argument).
Next, in subsequent sessions, court trainees were asked to leave the room when the video translations into German were being heard.
And now—perhaps because there was a sizable attendance of some 30 public persons taking an interest—came the ultimate contrariwise: The judge announced no one but journalists were to be allowed note taking. Police were then stationed in the public gallery to supervise and denounce anyone caught writing anything down! Presumably this was to prevent what they had heard being “carried” outside and ideas opened for discussion, or even memos being mulled over later.
The trial may as well be a closed secret trial. Certainly Ernst Zündel’s final trial in Canada was a secret trial, for neither he nor his lawyers were permitted to know who brought the case or any detail whatever. Both defence and defendant were even denied all knowledge of how many witnesses spoke out against him, and what proofs were provided. No details at all. I witnessed that habeas corpus trial. Contrariwise—as when Alice in Wonderland is brought to face charges before the card game Court of the Queen of Hearts and she, its judge, declares, “Sentence first!”
SUMMARY of Friday’s morning session—which is now no longer the day for pronouncement of the verdict (the date of the 31st anniversary of the controversial demise of Rudolf Hess “prisoner of peace”).
Once the audience in the courtroom had taken their places, Sylvia Stolz (scientist of law), approached to ask the judge for the legal basis of his order given the day before prohibiting note-making. The judge answered that he had decided this ban. Attorney Nahrath, the attorney for Monica Schaefer, took the floor and pointed to a Landgericht(a district court such as the present one) judgment stating there is no note-taking ban in the public’s gallery. He was quoting from another criminal trial at anotherLandgericht.
If the judge did not allow listeners to take notes, the attorney would like to make a request for this right to be duly restored and exercised by all listeners. The court then withdrew for consultation and deliberated for three-quarters of an hour before the announcement that the audience was allowed to take notes but not to write up any notes(!).
That meant that the audience is allowed to write down notes but not a make a complete report, just short summaries of any point. Finally, everybody was able to write down what he/she wanted to.
The session proceeded with the detective chief commissioner again being asked to the witness stand. He was questioned about how it was possible that Alfred’s videos shown so far had been accessed since at the time they indicated the videos were no longer capable of retrieval on the Internet in Germany. This question the detective chief commissioner could not answer and referred instead to the colleague responsible for this. One of the attorneys, therefore, made the request to question the aforementioned colleague, since a video blocked in Germany could not be made punishable in Germany.
The court once again withdrew for advice and then announced that the colleague was on sick leave for a long time and might not be returning to the service for the performance of his duties and therefore would not be available as a witness. The attorney replied that if the colleague was on sick leave for the performance of his duties, this did not mean that he could not be summoned as a witness in court. “If five billion videos are uploaded worldwide in 2014 and six billion the following year, then the few videos from the Schaefers could pose no ‘threat’ and are only thus called owing to the Special Law of Paragraph 130.” He therefore insisted on the summons of the commissioner’s colleague to determine, in agreement with an expert on contemporary history, how the videos had been obtained, which were not officially retrievable and could not be “abusive” in Germany at the given time. Whether it should be illegal for monopolistic tech companies to decide what people are allowed to say—or even condition them to fear allowing oneself to think (i.e., heresy-think)—are questions beyond the scope of the trial.
Meanwhile, B’nai Brith Canada have a lot more than Monika and Alfred Schaefer on their plate this August. “Supporters of the Canadian Union of Postal Workers Plan to Protest B’nai Brith Canada,” reports the Canadian Jewish News, adding: “Recently, B’nai Brith Canada launched a smear campaign against CUPW, (which) has taken a principled stand in defence of Palestinian human rights,” the protest’s organizers wrote on Facebook. “As a result, CUPW [which represents some 50,000 postal workers, revealed that it had launched a “joint project” with the Palestinian Postal Service Workers’ Union and] has become the latest victim in a long list of smear campaigns launched by B’nai Brith Canada to silence human rights defenders who are critical of Israel’s violations of international law.”
Before the adjournment of the Munich trial prompted by “human rights association” B’nai Brith Canada, the prosecutor said a request from Alfred for further evidence was inappropriate, because the same views were repeatedly expressed. Alfred Schaefer saw no reason why his request, to offer more proofs of the “educational” nature of his video work, would need be abbreviated by the court. This is the reason, Alfred explains, why magazines such as Blick nach rechts (Look to the Right) present his thought processes as confused conspiracy theories. After all, how can a complete picture be made out of the actual predicament if requests for evidence are to be dispensed with. He has, for instance, Noel Ignatiev, a Jewish professor from Harvard University, quoted in his studies that all whites must be disassembled and destroyed because “we want it that way,” adding, “Racial traitors practice loyalty to humanity.” The journalist Deniz Yücel said of the entire German people: “Your DNA is a hideousness.” Such statements, shows Alfred, are not isolated cases and are the prompt for his emergency calls for “conditioning de-contamination.” This is the way his “lecture” videos are to be understood.
In a letter written in the Munich prison by Monika Schaefer (to Brian Ruhe in Canada), dated July 27, 2018, she seems reassured that: “The court is receiving a wonderful education. They are learning that we are all about peace. Peace and love. . . . Yesterday we got to watch two of those: Questioning the Holocaust – Why We Believed (that’s the one we only got half way through the translation of same), and the Ursula Haverbeck video The Greatest Problem of Our Time, in German with English subtitles. So you see, everyone is receiving a wonderful education. . . . The judge wanted to be finished by then, but that will not likely be possible. I don’t mind one bit. It is so important that this not be cut short—I don’t mind sitting a little longer.” Monika has not been charged or sentenced since January 2018. She sits behind bars for speaking her mind, just for making use of the basic right of free speech.
After further submissions of new evidence, the leading judge concluded that apparently the attorneys were not in such a hurry as the court to conclude the trial, so he declared the hearing over and announced the following session dates: September 14, 21 and 26, 2018.


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Your Truth and My Truth Professor Frei! – Ursula Haverbeck

Your Truth and My Truth Professor Frei! – Ursula Haverbeck

***

Reposted from Henry Hafenmayer

July 31, 2018

The following letter from Ursula Haverbeck, unfortunately, reached me only today. However, I do not wish to keep it from the public. A contribution to this case has already been made here [in German].

 

 

Frau Ursula Haverbeck

From Prison

July 31, 2018

Yours and My Truth

An article about me [Ursula Haverbeck] was published in the Süddeutsche Zeitung under the title ‘Hitlerliebe’ (Hitler Love) on July 21/22, 2018 by a historian, teaching newer and more recent history partly in Jena, partly in Israel. [admin: The Professor is a Jew.]

Professor Norbert Frei begins with the sentence:

“Ursula was 16 years old when Hitler committed suicide.”

He should have written:

“Ursula was 16 years old” when… the war, that was already drawing to an end, caught up with the people who had so far been largely spared in the East. After the total expulsion order, thousands of banished Germans set out to save themselves before the borders of the Bolshevik Red Army. That was the end of childhood and a very happy youth.

Prussians, Pomeranians, Silesians, Sudeten Germans and many other ethnic German groups could never return again to their old ancestral homeland, something that many still expected decades after the war, due to international law.

It was a bitter-cold January in 1945, the roads were frozen with ice. Often narrowly squeezed into three lanes, [German] troops headed east, and the farm buggies headed west, and in between them there were repeated transports of wounded. For the displaced Germans on the carriages, there was only one goal, despite the approaching gunfire, to get to Breslau and across the bridges of the river Oder as soon as possible, before they would be blown up.”

That would have said more about the reality of a sixteen-year-old girl’s life in East Germany in 1945.

Of course, a historian is also free to imagine a young person from the Nazi era at his own discretion. However, this usually says more about the mental condition of him than about the person described.

With the currency reform of 1948, a hard and serious cut into life began, especially for the homeless and unemployed expellees in foreign surroundings, where the inhabitants were already overwhelmed by the hundreds of thousands of people bombed out of their homes. All living space was already occupied well into the 1950s.

In England and Sweden they were looking for cleaning ladies for the hospitals and in positions of domestic help. I became a guest worker in Sweden from 1949 to 1953, from where I could support my parents.

The former “BDM” girl [Frau Haverbeck was designated by Prof. Frei to be a Hitler Youth Girl] – to which I never belonged; I had stayed with the 10-14 year olds as a young girls’ leader – was neither stubborn, nor angry, nor unhappy, as Norbert Frei claims I, his study object, was. I had a particularly happy time in Sweden. We met once a week in a German-Swedish working group for more than two years to study Rudolf Steiner’s ‘Philosophy of Freedom’. We read it in German and alternately lectured and discussed it in Swedish. There I heard of Baruch de Spinoza. Three of his sentences became my guide posts:

From the ethics: “Deus sive natura, ‘the unity and wholeness of God – nature.

“Man is man’s joy” as a replacement for the old Roman quote “man is man’s wolf.”

And from the theological-political treatise: “The true goal of all politics is freedom.”

The philosopher, who was a close friend of the Dutch politician Jan de Witt, recognized this as the basic maxim for the new political design after the collapse of the Spanish foreign rule, already shortly after the Thirty Year War at that time. It was to also point the way ahead for our departure. Freedom, please, not ego-liberalism!

The ‘Holocaust’ did not exist yet, and not in Sweden nor in Scotland in 1957 either, where I was able to study for a year thanks to a scholarship.

Tales of horror at Auschwitz did not attract further attention under the terror of the bombs and the misery of the displaced people, that was still omnipresent. Furthermore, there was also a large number of opposing statements about Auschwitz by contemporary witnesses, from personal experience. What was truth – what was a lie?

And not to forget, we knew who had already ‘declared’ war on us in March of 1933, and who it was that six months later declared the ‘Holy War’ against the most “bloodthirsty, evil people in the world, the Germans.” That wasn’t a new tune. Our fathers had already heard it in World War One.

“Denying the Holocaust is not an opinion, but a crime,” concludes Norbert Frei. For us, ‘The Holocaust’ was a Hollywood feature film from the USA. So this word first came into our consciousness in 1979. It was an enormous production, in four episodes in succession, with scientific introduction, panel discussion and tearful reports by Auschwitz survivors.

Auschwitz, the Holocaust and the six million gassings were one and the same. From now on it was regarded as the singular guilt of the Germans, that was not atonable for all eternity.

All refutations from available documents and scientific views were indexed, forbidden, destroyed. It was punishable to cite them in agreement, whether submitted by Jews, French, Americans or Germans.

Those born after 1960-1965 no longer had an opportunity to compare the information. For them, the Holocaust became an incontrovertible fact. And even today, every criticism, every question that is difficult to answer is punished with prohibitions and prison sentences. May I remind you of the trials against Ernst Zündel and the chemist Germar Rudolf in Mannheim.

The Institut für Zeitgeschichte (IfZ) [Institute of Contemporary History] managed the feat of publishing the Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle Auschwitz 1940-45 ohne IfZ Bemerkungen-530S in 2000, [commander’s orders at Auschwitz] and still withheld them at the same time from the public. In none of the more than 30 lawsuits [I have attended], have I ever heard them mentioned. (2001 – 2015).

Norbert Frei is made “speechless” by the “brazenness” of Ursula Haverbeck. This is simply explained by the fact that she knows not only the time after the Holocaust film, but also the 35 years before it, as well as a number of the critics involved, personally. [The accusations] have been reviewed retrospectively.

“The real goal of politics is freedom.” But how do you get freedom? This we find in John’s Gospel:

“The truth will set you free” (John 8:32).

Ursula Haverbeck, July 31, 2018

“https://endederluege.blog/2018/08/31/ursula-haverbeck-deine-und-meine-wahrheit/

Short version:

Nazi Commands at Auschwitz 1940 to 1945 SS Archive Data Revealed-053018-65pg

To purchase: Nazi Commands at Autschwitz

Long Version, so far in German only:

Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte Auschwitz-ohne IfZ Bemerkungen (Kommandanturbefehle)-530S

This entry was posted in Holocausts und Holohoax, Ursula Haverbeck. Bookmark the permalink.

In Memorian: Ernst Zundel Unbowed

In Memorian: Ernst Zundel Unbowed

 

In Memoriam

 

Ernst Zündel died on August 5, of 2017 – one year ago. This 35-minute film was made after his release from five years of incarceration in Mannheim/Germany – re-issued after his death.

 

Dr. Herbert Schaller and Gerd Honsik also died recently.

 

Note Dr. Schaller’s pronouncement: Die politische Strafjustitz in Deutschland bricht ihre eigenen Gesetze“  — the political punishment justice in Germany is breaking its own laws.

 

 

From: Michele Renouf
Sent: August 8, 2017 8:20 PM

 

Dear friends,

 

Please view via this URL my unexpurgated Telling Films tribute: Ernst Zündel Unbowed:

https://youtu.be/ZUrPiQAe-DM

 

Published on Aug 8, 2017

A personal Telling Films tribute by Lady Michèle Renouf to German-Canadian artist, publisher and dedicated campaigner for historical truth Ernst Zündel, born 23rd April 1939, died 5th August 2017 at his ancestral home in southern Germany. Uniquely interviewed as he was released from Mannheim Prison in 2010 and during his journey back to his childhood home in the Black Forest, and updated in this unexpurgated version after Ernst Zündel’s death, this film documents his decades of legal struggle for source-critical justice in Canada and Germany, literally illustrated by Ernst’s own art works created during his years of imprisonment, and includes an interview with his lawyer Dr. Herbert Schaller.

 

 

In gratitude and admiration for Ernst the Unbendable,

Michèle

Day 6 of Political Prisoners Monika & Alfred Schaefer’s Trial in Munich

 
Day 6 of Political Prisoners Monika & Alfred Schaefer’s Trial in Munich
 
On the sixth day of the trial of Monika and Alfred Schaefer at the Munich court, 13th July 2018, Monika Schaefer gave her personal statement. Translation made by R. Edmonds.


Monika Schaefer read out her personal statement, which according to the judge is usually not permitted. But the judge accepted that Monika dos not speak German perfectly, hence he decided to make an exception. Monika related how she became engaged politically and how she felt herself deeply drawn to Green politics. She campaigned many times for political office. That had all continued till she had learnt that Israel’s wars were being justified by false claims. There-upon she left the party. She had learnt very early to think for herself.

She had made the video herself. Once she had made the film and put it in the public domain, she then felt a feeling of relief and felt freed from a heavy burden. She had always held her parents under a general suspicion, but now she knew that there was nothing to reproach them with, because History was quite contrary to what we had been told since 1945. This was this reason why she had apologized to her mother.

As a consequence of the success of the video, she had lost many friendships; and a campaign of ritual defamation commenced against her. For example, in a small newspaper of a town with five thousand inhabitants, readers’ letters started appearing, written by readers from quite other districts, who would not normally read the news-paper. These readers’ letters served the purpose of defaming her. At the beginning, she had to force herself to go to her front-door. However when one deliberately and with conviction breaks such a taboo, because one knows that the official claims regarding the period 1933 -1945 are a shabby lie, then such ritual defamations are easier to bear. Every attempt had been made to intimidate her. For example, she always rides by bicycle, and one day at the traffic lights a car had sped away from her throwing the sand of the street against her. Also attempts had been made to ruin her financially. Not a single student from her locality came any more to take instruction on violin-playing. A regular witch-hunt was organised against her. This witch-hunt had split the community in which she lived. Whilst many had turned away from her, on the other hand, many others whom she did not know had come to her; and they could not understand what was happening. In July 2016 a new local law gave permission for music to be played in the local park close to her. A licence for this was needed, but this licence was refused to her. Finally her brother had made the offer, that it was better to come to Germany, if the situation in Canada should become too dangerous for her.

The judge asked, why she had made a video rather than chosen to write an article. Also he wanted to know why she had given advice as to where information on the subject could be found, for example referring to the video about Ernst Zundel or “Questions about the HC.” Monika replied that she herself had found the sources very helpful in order to understand everything. She wanted to invite everybody to learn more in order to understand what had really taken place in the period of 1933 to 1945. In reply to the question from the judge, why she found the lie so shabby [threadbare, seedy, mean], Monika declared because the intention was that the guilt feelings should continue for ever. The fact that she was in prison proved that. — Richard Edmonds


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