{"id":9054,"date":"2023-09-15T23:04:00","date_gmt":"2023-09-16T03:04:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/?p=9054"},"modified":"2023-09-15T23:04:00","modified_gmt":"2023-09-16T03:04:00","slug":"the-canadian-anti-hate-network-exposed","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/?p=9054","title":{"rendered":"The Canadian Anti-Hate Network Exposed"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>2<br><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-center\"><strong>[CAUTION TO READERS: There is a lot of important research and information in this document. However, Elise (now Elisa?) Hategan&#8217;s account of her Heritage Front days is highly unreliable according to people who were involved. &#8212; Paul Fromm]<\/strong><br>Unmasking Canada\u2019s Hate Industry<br>BY:<br>Caryma Sa\u2019d &amp; Elisa Hategan<br>\u00a9 Copyright 2023 by Caryma Sa\u2019d and Elisa Hategan &#8211; All rights reserved.<br>3<br>In the midst of winter, I found there was, within me, an invincible summer.<br>Albert Camus<br>4<br>Contents<br>Prologue \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 6<br>Introduction \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026. 7<br>Diagolon is Not a Violent Extremist Group \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 8<br>Caryma\u2019s Story \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026. 10<br>Jeremy\u2019s Story\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 12<br>Jeremy\u2019s Sacrifice \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 12<br>A Podcasting Journey \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026. 13<br>The Smear Campaign Begins \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 14<br>Enter Diagolon\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 15<br>Freedom Convoy \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 18<br>Public Order Emergency Commission\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 20<br>The Prosecution of Jeremy MacKenzie \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 22<br>From Hero to Terrorist \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 24<br>The FOIPOP and What We Discovered \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026. 27<br>Inconsistencies and Speculations \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 28<br>Elisa\u2019s Story \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 31<br>Taking Down the Heritage Front\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 31<br>Behind the Scenes at ARC Collective \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026. 32<br>The Canadian Anti-Hate Network is Born \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026. 35<br>The \u201cDark Arts\u201d behind Anti-Hate \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026. 36<br>The Business of Hate \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026. 40<br>Bias on Their Sleeves \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 45<br>Proximity to State Power \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 45<br>Civilian Undercover Operations\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 46<br>The Spy Who Got Left Out in the Cold \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 47<br>Top Shocking FOIPOP Revelations \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 53<br>Information-Sharing with Five Eyes\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 53<br>Copy-and-Paste Policing: The 15-Minute Report\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 57<br>The Mendicino Scandal\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026. 58<br>Overreliance on Media by Law Enforcement \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 61<br>5<br>A Filtered Version of Truth \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 62<br>Who Gave CAHN the Right? \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 68<br>Cowardice \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 70<br>The Courage to Have Second Thoughts \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 73<br>The Courage to Speak \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 74<br>An Unholy Alliance \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 76<br>The Social Colosseum \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026 79<br>Our Stories Merge \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026. 81<br>Conclusion \u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026.. 85<br>6<br>Prologue<br>A public safety minister makes false and alarmist comments in a press conference;<br>when pressed for details, he directs media to law enforcement, who scramble to<br>produce evidence where there is none. An officer is tasked to produce a key briefing<br>for top officials to help government decision-making, in only fifteen minutes.<br>Intelligence Analysts taking cues from anonymous Twitter trolls involved in criminal<br>harassment. Citizens\u2019 personal information is eagerly shared with international spy<br>agencies, even as internal reports circulate acknowledging there is no evidence of<br>terrorist activity.<br>An entire country\u2019s intelligence departments relying on a single source\u2014a source<br>that banks on the questionable judgement calls of inexperienced, ideologically-<br>motivated activists cosplaying online as Nazis and Russian models to gather data and<br>donations. A source that cloaks its researchers in anonymity and refuses to disclose<br>their credentials, conflicts of interest, or track record, even as they are widely quoted<br>in the media as subject matter experts.<br>Welcome to Canada.<br>7<br>Introduction<br>This story is a horror, tragedy, and farce, rolled into one.<br>Its ending as yet unwritten.<br>The only thing we can control is whether to tell the truth. And we do.<br>Democratic countries distinguish themselves from totalitarian dictatorships through<br>the process of fair elections and by putting the power in the hands of the people.<br>But what if a democratic government wants to stack the deck in their favour? They<br>can\u2019t cart people off into the night, imprison them without cause, execute them at<br>dawn. That would violate human rights by any standard. And it wouldn\u2019t look good<br>for a leader who prides himself on being a nice guy.<br>The layer of insulation that buffers democratic governments from accusations of<br>authoritarian rule is the pretense of deferral to experts, think tanks, consultants and<br>academics who can provide perfunctory recommendations to rubber-stamp what<br>the government plans to do in the first place. Oftentimes, the expertise is paid for<br>by government money through military defence contracts, public safety and<br>emergency funds, and other sources.<br>If the public resists any proposed policy or legislation, the state can magnanimously<br>defer to the vast knowledge of experts who all concur in unison that, unless the bill<br>passes, \u201charm\u201d will occur. Danger. Terrorism. Destruction. The loss of your way of<br>life as you know it. And if you still do not comply, stronger measures may become<br>required. Those who resist are vilified through state-sponsored broadcast media and<br>social media smear campaigns\u2014these tactics serve the dual purpose of securing the<br>public\u2019s acceptance, or at least acquiescence, and making examples out of dissenters<br>in order to frighten critics into silence.<br>Democratic countries gain the public\u2019s compliance with buy-ins and manufactured<br>consent, rather than bullets. A more evolved and civil approach, to be sure. But one<br>that carries its own risks. What happens when you run out of villains to justify an<br>escalation to emergency measures? When you want to spook the public into<br>acquiescence, but your well of horrors has run dry?<br>You make them up.<br>This is the story of what can go wrong when such a strategy spirals out of control,<br>and all levels of government and media are complicit in ruining innocent lives.<br>8<br>Diagolon is Not a Violent Extremist Group<br>\u201cDoes not pose a criminal or national security threat.\u201d<br>&#x25aa; Royal Canadian Mounted Police<br>\u201cThe channels are REMVE + Conspiracy theorist in nature but not<br>accelerationist and you\u2019re right no incitement of violence. Some of the<br>usernames have racist references\/photos in them but no criminality.\u201d<br>&#x25aa; Kristen Little to Ashley Chen, July 14, 2021, subject \u201cDiagolon\u201d<br>\u201cBased on the source material and evidence I have personally viewed, we would<br>have a hard time refuting the contents thereof despite how \u201cDiagolon\u201d is being<br>portrayed in the media and the House of Commons. Just another example of why<br>our direction to investigators is to be evidence focused and not caught up in<br>the hype of the media surrounding this matter.\u201d<br>&#x25aa; Simon Pillay, Inspector, OIC Ops1, Federal Policing National Security,<br>February 2022<br>\u201cWe generally agree with the Key Assessments, 1) DIAGOLON is led by<br>MACKENZIE, 2) based on current information, DIAGOLON does not meet<br>dictionary definitions of a group.\u201d<br>\u2022 Matthew Desjardins, March 16, 2022<br>\u201cI\u2019ve looped in Insp. Simon Pillay and A.Insp J-S Grenier who are the project<br>Team OICs to assist with any discussions your NZ LO may wish to have on<br>Diagolon. We do not consider it a right wing militia group at this time<br>however assessment is ongoing as I understand it.\u201d<br>\u2022 Eliane Caron, Director of Ops Team 2, Federal Policing National Security<br>(FNPS), April 8, 2022<br>9<br>\u201cBased on available open source information, IMCIT assesses that DIAGOLON<br>is an ideological community which meets the majority, but not all, of the CSIS<br>parameters used to define a group. [\u2026] Although DIAGOLON is based on a set of<br>satirical ideas, the community does not appear to have any coherent ideological<br>purpose, objective, or cause. [\u2026] It appears that DIAGOLON as a distinct entity<br>does not pose a criminal or national security threat at this time.\u201d<br>&#x25aa; Submitted by: Ideologically Motivated Criminal Intelligence Team \/<br>Approved by: A\/Director General, Federal Policing National Intelligence\u201d,<br>May 19, 2022<br>\u201cBased on available open source information it is exceedingly difficult to ascertain<br>the extent to which Diagolon is a distinct group, with common ideology, a political<br>agenda, and the cohesion necessary to advance such an agenda.<br>The Canadian Anti-Hate Network (CAHN) is cited as the main authority<br>on the group by all mainstream media outlets; due to the fact that all<br>information traces back to one source, triangulation and the verification of<br>facts is almost impossible at the current time.<br>Based on the information that is publicly available, it is difficult to<br>understand how CAHN can confidently assert that Diagolon is an<br>\u2018accelerationist movement that believes a revolution is inevitable and<br>necessary to collapse the current government system\u2019\u2026 Due to a lack of<br>substantive open source material, operational information would be needed to<br>supplement the profile.<br>&#x25aa; RCMP \u201cDiagolon Profile\u201d 2022<br>10<br>Caryma\u2019s Story<br>From an early age, my parents nurtured in me a sense of curiosity. They encouraged<br>me to ask questions. I spent a lot of time immersed in books and learning. The first<br>revelation given to the Prophet Muhammad was a command from Angel Gabriel to<br>\u201cRead!\u201d That origin story always stuck with me, even as my personal religiosity has<br>waxed and waned over the years.<br>My father was a charismatic imam (religious leader) in the community, whose duruus<br>(lessons) were spirited and sometimes subversive in nature. He was a natural<br>storyteller with a wicked sense of humour. He instilled the importance of striving<br>for excellence: \u201cThis country will chew you up and spit you out, if you let it. You<br>must be the best and have courage.\u201d<br>This is me trying.<br>Mom was born Catholic and grew up in Jhansi, India. Dad lived in a Palestinian<br>refugee camp until his family resettled in Jordan. He decided to pursue his studies in<br>India, which is where they met\u2013 by his telling, he shoehorned himself into a date<br>that was already in progress. I guess he won out.<br>Mom immigrated to Canada as a twenty-year-old orphan with almost no money. My<br>father followed her across the ocean. They were married in 1974. My mom converted<br>to Islam. They had my sisters in Toronto and moved to Mississauga as a young<br>family. I was a near-fatal surprise over a decade later. I have been running on my<br>own schedule ever since.<br>Identity was always a touchy subject in our household. My parents came from two<br>different cultures and moved to a third culture. I belonged everywhere and nowhere<br>at once.<br>I learned the word \u201cterrorist\u201d at around eight<br>years of age. Police came knocking at our door<br>to speak with my father. Apparently, someone<br>threatened to blow up the nearby Tim Horton\u2019s<br>and signed the letter using his name. He was<br>framed for words he never uttered. The<br>situation was resolved after brief questioning,<br>and the police left on good terms after<br>concluding my dad did not pose any threat. This<br>was before the Afghanistan and Iraq wars.<br>11<br>A few weeks after the 9\/11 attacks, I was walking from the bus stop after school<br>when a stranger yelled at me to \u201cGo home!\u201d I confusedly retorted, \u201cI am going<br>home\u201d, not realizing that I was being singled out as un-Canadian for my hijab or<br>skin colour. That na\u00efvet\u00e9 was sadly short-lived.<br>The next two decades were rough for Muslims. Islam was widely treated as a<br>monolith, despite the wide variety of denominations, languages, and cultures across<br>the globe. Unfair expectations were placed on individual Muslims to apologize or<br>account for other people\u2019s criminal behaviour. Muslims were consistently targeted<br>for surveillance, particularly at airports. Moral panic over misconceptions about<br>Sharia led to proposals such as the Barbaric Cultural Practices Hotline. There were<br>hate-motivated mass murders against Muslims, or anyone mistaken as Muslim. A<br>\u201cMuslim Ban&#8221; was upheld in the United States, prohibiting travel and refugee<br>resettlement from predominantly Muslim countries. Western democracies banned<br>hijabs, niqabs, and minarets. The list goes on.<br>Underlying all this was the erosion of civil liberties, and the development of a brutal<br>state apparatus inimical to human rights.<br>It is no coincidence that another Muslim lawyer and I were predisposed to see<br>Jeremy MacKenzie\u2019s situation through the lens of public hysteria and state<br>overreach. Or that Elisa and I recognized a smear campaign carried out by some of<br>the same perpetrators who maligned her. Our paths intersect in unexpected ways.<br>Recently, I lamented the state of journalism: \u201cJournalists are not supposed to be<br>stenographers. Why aren\u2019t they asking questions? They are not doing real journalism<br>like they used to.\u201d It was pointed out that I was longing for fearless and honest<br>reporting that was always the exception, never the rule. It was false nostalgia\u2013 the<br>fact is, mainstream media has lied to us about big things for my entire living memory.<br>Hasty, thoughtless articles\u2014sometimes the result of erroneous information fed to<br>gullible journalists by intelligence agents &#8211; have started wars and provided distorted<br>justification for hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of (mostly brown) deaths<br>around the world. There has been no acknowledgment, accountability, let alone<br>apology, for leading us into bloody battlefields for no discernible reason. And despite<br>tacit awareness of atrocities, authorities never said, \u201cWe lied, and repeated the lies,<br>and this caused people to die.\u201d<br>Is it any wonder a combat veteran deployed to Afghanistan might distrust the<br>government, the media, and especially the two seemingly working together?<br>12<br>Jeremy\u2019s Story<br>In the early 2000s, seventeen-year-old Old Stock Canadian Jeremy MacKenzie joined<br>the army. He was an infantry non-commissioned officer and did a stint with the elite<br>Canadian Special Operations Forces Command. He was deployed to combat in<br>Afghanistan, trained soldiers in Jamaica, did exchange programs with US Marines,<br>and was stationed in Germany and the United Arab Emirates. He retired as Master<br>Corporal after fourteen and a half years, decorated with a sacrifice medal (Canadian<br>Purple Heart), a general campaign star from the Afghanistan war, and a Canadian<br>Forces decoration for over twelve years of service with an unblemished record.<br>From a young age, Jeremy was fascinated by military history and culture. He was<br>drawn to understand the human condition in extreme circumstances. He felt<br>compelled to test his mettle.<br>He also felt weak. He was soft, small, sheltered. A tiny kid who got bullied a lot, but<br>was determined to prove people wrong. Jeremy had a vision in his mind of the man<br>he wanted to be, and knew that could not happen if he stayed in small-town Nova<br>Scotia. And so, he set off in search of his future self.<br>Jeremy\u2019s Sacrifice<br>On September 11, 2001, Jeremy was a sophomore with a morning period spare. He<br>watched the second tower come down live on television from the comfort of his<br>home. That night at dinner he remembers his mom musing about a draft, \u201cThank<br>god you\u2019re too young to go, and your father is too old.\u201d She was only half right.<br>Jeremy spent his early adult years fighting in Afghanistan to protect poppy fields and<br>oil wells. He witnessed or was party to a range of extreme violence, killings, war<br>crimes, and other horrors at twenty years old.<br>For many Canadians, the war in Afghanistan was barely more than an abstract<br>thought, at best, even at the height of media frenzy. Unlike the Second World War,<br>there was no collective sacrifice or solidarity. Losses were borne by resident Afghans<br>and the diaspora, as well as NATO soldiers and their families: opposite sides of the<br>same tragic coin.<br>27 men were killed on Jeremy\u2019s deployment, with seven of them being close friends.<br>He has lost count of how many suicides, but knows it is at minimum fifteen or<br>twenty.<br>13<br>Jeremy is legally deaf in his left ear from an<br>incoming rocket-propelled grenade, an anti-armour<br>weapon meant to destroy tanks and personnel<br>carriers. An RPG-7, specifically. He had half a<br>second to hit the deck and was saved by an olive<br>tree that took the brunt of the explosion.<br>In July 2007, Jeremy and his fireteam spent hours<br>administering first aid to wounded Taliban and<br>Afghan security forces after an engagement. One of<br>the injured was roughly thirteen years old. The boy\u2019s<br>legs had been shattered and blasted apart like used<br>firecrackers. His left foot rested under his own head in a twisted, mangled, bloody<br>mess.There were splintered bones everywhere, and the burned flesh looked like slabs<br>of cooked meat. (It took Jeremy a while before he could eat roast beef again.)<br>The boy had deep wounds in his abdomen and chest, but the gashes seemed to be<br>cauterized shut \u2013 likely by the blast of a NATO soldier\u2019s 25 mm gun. The translator<br>said the boy was begging to be fixed; nothing could be done.<br>Jeremy sat helplessly with this child and watched him die slowly and painfully under<br>the hot sun, waiting for a helicopter that came too late. He has wondered about the<br>boy\u2019s name, and whether his parents knew where he was or what had happened to<br>him. He wondered if they would ever know, or whether they were dead, too.<br>This is only one of Jeremy\u2019s many traumatic experiences.<br>And for what? The war in Afghanistan was based on pretenses and lies. Canada\u2019s<br>abrupt and messy withdrawal saw citizens and allies left behind to die. As much as<br>Jeremy blamed the Taliban, he also blamed his own government.<br>A Podcasting Journey<br>Jeremy is charismatic, with a knack for hyperbole, dark humour, and silly voices. He<br>started experimenting with podcasting and vignettes in 2016.<br>From the outset, Jeremy was interested in examining conspiracy theories. He started<br>with a deep dive into 9\/11. Fighting in Afghanistan profoundly impacted Jeremy\u2019s<br>worldview. He became disillusioned by politicians and mainstream media beating<br>the drums of war under the guise of freedom and democracy. The corruption and<br>absurdity was almost too much to bear \u2013 he wondered, what else are we being lied<br>to about? And so, he set off in search of truth and laughter.<br>14<br>His first livestream had a modest seventeen viewers. That gradually increased to<br>hundreds of thousands of downloads per episode. He went from sporadic streaming<br>to regularly scheduled shows. Over time, he started paying for graphics and overlays,<br>and upgraded his equipment. He placed emphasis on engagement, developing inside<br>jokes with his audience and building rapport by reacting to comments. What started<br>as a side hobby evolved into a full-time gig. He covers a range of topics, including<br>politics and current events. He is highly critical of the Canadian Armed Forces, and<br>speaks candidly about his experience in combat and the treatment of veterans. One<br>of his most-watched videos is a scathing critique of the RCMP response to the<br>Portapique mass shooting; his take was largely validated three years later by the Mass<br>Casualty Commission.<br>There is a method to the madness. An individual episode is meant to be taken in its<br>entirety. Each performance consists of roughly three parts and is meant to end on a<br>positive note. Despite tackling heated or bleak subjects in a high intensity stream of<br>consciousness format, Jeremy strives to portray hopeful messaging. He is keenly<br>aware of high suicide rates among veterans, and wants his viewers to leave<br>entertained and reassured. The softness of this approach is sometimes camouflaged<br>by the bluntness of military culture.<br>He jokes that listeners need to be fucked up to truly appreciate his work.<br>The Smear Campaign Begins<br>In February 2020, Jeremy protested a lecture featuring Omar Khadr. He considered<br>it a travesty for Dalhousie University to promote an enemy combatant in any<br>circumstance. The ferry he took to Halifax was named after Christopher Stannix, his<br>former roommate who was killed in Afghanistan. Freelance videographer Peter<br>MacIsaac was covering the event. Jeremy provided a passionate two-minute<br>soundbite:<br>I have to be here to say this because many of the people in my platoon<br>who were killed by Omar Khadr\u2019s little club aren\u2019t here to say that<br>anymore. They\u2019re all dead\u2026 So I guess I\u2019m the bad guy now. If that\u2019s<br>how it\u2019s gonna be, then that\u2019s how it\u2019s gonna be.<br>That video garnered over five million views on YouTube.<br>Gavin McInnes saw the clip and reached out for an interview. McInnes is the co-<br>founder of Vice Media, former Rebel Media correspondent, and Proud Boys<br>founder (listed as a \u201cterrorist entity\u201d in Canada). He was the only media figure willing<br>to talk. Jeremy seized the opportunity to share his message with a wider audience.<br>15<br>Within a few days, an account with the username Yellow Vests Canada Exposed<br>published a detailed ARC Collective blog post titled Jeremy Mackenzie: Nova Scotia-<br>Based Extremist YouTuber Spreads Hate. He was described as having extreme views,<br>including that he \u201cregularly espouses antisemitic conspiracies, parrots Holocaust<br>denial lines, and disparages Jews and Muslims.\u201d There were multiple references and<br>comparisons to \u201caccelerationists.\u201d There was no clear evidence backing up these<br>claims, just leaps and innuendos. The hit piece included over a dozen short, undated<br>clips from various livestreams; it seemed he had been on someone\u2019s radar for a while,<br>even though his YouTube channel had under a thousand followers at the time. He<br>was stunned.<br>Little did he know, the worst was yet to come.<br>Enter Diagolon<br>Stemming from Jeremy\u2019s vivid imagination, Diagolon is a fictional country in a<br>parallel universe based on a geographical divide he observed as far as the political<br>response to COVID-19.<br>Again, there was a method to the madness.<br>The Diagolon flag (a white diagonal line<br>against a black background) worked as a<br>branding mechanism. It allowed members of<br>the fanbase to identify one another with the<br>display of stickers and other merchandise.<br>And the concept took on a life of its own as<br>fans collaborated to develop a rich and absurd<br>lore: the head of state is an evil, cocaine-<br>addicted, time-traveling goat named King<br>Phillip; the nation is at war with the fictional<br>country of Circulon; there is a militant force<br>of bees bred to terrorize Diagolon\u2019s enemies, and one bee (Jeffrey) died in a<br>kamikaze mission when he was swallowed by Doug Ford during a press conference.<br>Satirical political commentary allows Jeremy to cope with civilian life through self-<br>expression and connecting with other veterans. Humour is a way to work through<br>heavy emotions. An outlet not unlike Kurt Cobain writing songs about suicide, or<br>Francisco Goya painting scenes of brutal violence.<br>Case in point: Diagolon permits capital punishment, and Jeremy turned hypothetical<br>executions into a game show. There\u2019s \u201cDumpster Toss\u201d which involves being tossed<br>from a tall building into a dumpster; \u201cTorn Apart by Wolves,\u201d where the target is<br>sent off on an ice floe with hungry wolves; and \u201cGun or Rope,\u201d which gives the<br>16<br>audience a choice between a firing squad or the gallows. A bit gruesome, but<br>\u201cProbation or Public Apology\u201d does not quite have the same gut punch effect.<br>Jeremy does callbacks to old episodes but moves quickly from one joke to the next.<br>The game show phase was short-lived. On the internet, out-of-context \u201cGun or<br>Rope\u201d sound bites last forever; they are used as evidence that violence is a core<br>element to Diagolon.<br>Throughout 2021, Jeremy attended a few regional meet-and-greets with his fans<br>across Canada. In his words, \u201cIt struck me\u2026 a lot of people feel very isolated and<br>depressed. A lot of them expressed to me how much this meant for them to feel as<br>though they had some kind of connection and kinship with other people that felt<br>the same way as they did about the future and shared their fears and concerns.\u201d This<br>revelation led to the \u201cFind Your Friends&#8221; campaign, intended to give people an<br>opportunity to have face-to-face interactions and detox from screen time. This<br>networking and community building initiative is the closest Diagolon has come to<br>being a real thing.<br>Lacking membership, hierarchy, rank system, code of conduct, uniforms, or<br>ideological cohesion, Diagolon is a podcast fan club, not a militia. Even the RCMP<br>experts struggled with defining Diagolon: In an email dated March 9, 2022, with the<br>subject line \u201cRejigging of my paper\u201d, Kandi Piamonte asks Andrew Warden whether<br>there is any specific quantifier or qualifier to define a terrorist \u201cgroup.\u201d<br>Even if Diagolon could be considered a \u201cgroup,\u201d there was never any prospect of<br>violent insurrection to establish its borders. That would require overthrowing two<br>provinces and defeating the United States in a land battle\u2013 they could no sooner<br>colonize the moon or drain the ocean.<br>Jeremy thought it was self-evident that the whole thing was a joke.<br>But not everyone shares his sense of humour. The Canadian Anti-Hate Network<br>(CAHN) misconstrued Diagolon to place it in a false, nefarious light as a \u201cfar-right<br>separatist\u201d, \u201canti-government\u201d, \u201cneo-fascist\u201d, and \u201cmilitant accelerationist group.\u201d<br>In the absence of evidence, CAHN relied heavily on negative association and<br>innuendo. The constant repetition of misleading or false information produces the<br>illusory truth effect; repeat a lie often enough and people will believe it.<br>CAHN described Diagolon as wanting to establish a white ethnostate, although this<br>idea was never articulated in hundreds of hours of livestreams. Jeremy\u2019s fanbase was<br>called \u201cmilitia-like\u201d\u2014at some point the qualifier was dropped, then added back. In<br>fact, there is no evidence of an organized group of armed civilians outside of<br>CAHN\u2019s imagination. An affinity for gun culture (which appeals generally to<br>military-inclined people) cannot be conflated with the definition of militia. It may<br>17<br>warrant law enforcement keeping an eye on things, but essential to consider context<br>and intent when assessing risk.<br>The more CAHN vilified a stubborn and defiant Jeremy, the more he doubled down<br>with sarcasm. The joke became people not getting the joke, in a meta way.<br>Community members began referring to themselves as \u201cbigots,\u201d intending to dilute<br>the sting of a word carelessly misapplied. This was interpreted as an admission of<br>intolerance. In November 2021, Jeremy circulated a group photo taken at a family<br>barbeque gathering in Viscount, Saskatchewan. The ominous image depicted<br>masked men with hunting rifles and the Diagolon flag. This was interpreted as proof<br>of a weapons training camp.<br>The media started echoing CAHN\u2019s far-fetched conclusions, despite unequivocal<br>statements from Jeremy about his satirical intent. Poe&#8217;s Law, a prominent adage in<br>internet culture, posits that parodies or sarcastic portrayals of extreme perspectives<br>may be misconstrued as genuine expressions of those beliefs. This principle can be<br>manipulated by individuals who genuinely hold extreme views, using it as a shield<br>when confronted with substantial criticism, and claiming that their statements were<br>merely satirical in nature. When in doubt, consider the evidence, or lack thereof.<br>There was a degree of separation or less between CAHN and every news article<br>about Diagolon. CAHN\u2019s \u201cElizabeth Simons\u201d was the primary spokesperson,<br>making a range of speculative and unsourced claims about Jeremy and his fanbase.<br>Jeremy corresponded by Twitter direct message with CAHN Board member Kurt<br>Phillips in the hopes of clearing up misconceptions about his podcast. The<br>conversations were casual in nature, touching on surface level things like beer<br>preferences. Jeremy tried conveying that CAHN\u2019s approach isolates people who are<br>already in precarious situations, and oftentimes severs any remaining connections to<br>regular society. This only pushes people further into dangerous echo chambers. It<br>becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. CAHN either manufactures hate by inventing it,<br>or by driving vulnerable people down that path. Rarely, if ever, do they stumble upon<br>actual Nazis.<br>Hysteria about Diagolon reached fever pitch during the Freedom Convoy,<br>particularly after a homemade patch was spotted on a tactical vest purportedly seized<br>in relation to an attempted murder plot in Coutts, Alberta.<br>Jeremy had never been to Coutts, nor was he in communication with any of the<br>accused leading up to their arrest. He was nonetheless repeatedly connected to the<br>weapons cache by media outlets citing CAHN. Documents obtained from the<br>RCMP reveal heavy reliance on open source intelligence, including news articles.<br>Government officials took their cues from both the media and law enforcement.<br>18<br>And the media reported on statements from law enforcement and government<br>officials.<br>A veritable circle jerk.<br>Under oath at the Public Order Emergency Commission, Jeremy provided the<br>following analysis:<br>It&#8217;s my opinion that the foundation work by the Canadian Anti-Hate<br>Network as pertains to targeting me as a previously government-funded<br>&#8212; has enjoyed a fair amount of government funding, to target and smear<br>people that they, you know, consider perhaps politically inconvenient or<br>people they just want to shut up, they regularly engage in defamatory<br>statements\u2026 out-of-context statements, they&#8217;ll take a clip here, a<br>sentence there and stitch it together and make it appear as something<br>that it is not\u2026<br>From there, some media outlets, legacy media outlets, lazily\u2014<br>unfortunately, it appears\u2014took it at face value, copy\/paste, print the<br>story then which is consumed by police officers, which again,<br>unfortunately, rather than doing any digging themselves or investigating<br>or asking me a single question, take these things at face value and<br>compile these reports and up the network it goes until it lands on the<br>desk of the public safety minister or you know, perhaps even the prime<br>minister&#8217;s office, where they&#8217;re faced with these scenarios that have no<br>basis in reality. I consider this entire situation entirely avoidable. This\u2014<br>none of this needed to happen, and it&#8217;s absurd, and I consider the single<br>most embarrassing and grotesque intelligence failure in national history.<br>For his part, Jeremy made numerous overtures to speak with law enforcement and<br>try to shed light on the community everyone seemed so concerned about. Nobody<br>ever took him up on the offer.<br>Freedom Convoy<br>Jeremy learned about the Freedom Convoy through social media hype. He saw aerial<br>drone footage of trucks driving from Western Canada, and concluded this would be<br>a big deal. Plus, he considered it an opportunity to get together with friends and<br>escape the monotony of lockdowns. He encouraged his followers to be on their best<br>behaviour, mindful the Diagolon fan base would be under a microscope.<br>19<br>Jeremy knew that he would be talking about the<br>convoy on his show regardless and decided to<br>attend in person. He drove back and forth from<br>Nova Scotia twice. The distance was not daunting<br>because he made the twelve-hour drive to<br>Petawawa dozens of times while in the military.<br>He mostly stayed on a goat farm outside the city.<br>(King Phillip predated the goat farm. The location<br>was a fluke.) It felt like a multi-week house party,<br>until the Emergencies Act was invoked. From that<br>point onward, Jeremy stayed out of the Red Zone<br>and watched the news like everyone else.<br>There was no doubt that Jeremy was flagged. He remembers seeing reconnaissance<br>posts on the rural road outside Ottawa. They were parked for hours, even days at a<br>time. One night, the farm dogs were barking uncontrollably. Jeremy figured there<br>were probably cops surveilling the building. In the morning, sure enough, he found<br>foot traffic in the snow, and empty coffee cups and cigarette butts. Jeremy knew that<br>everything he said was being watched, but worried that only sarcasm was taken at<br>face value and earnest statements disregarded as red herrings. He was not paranoid,<br>but rather genuinely concerned for his safety. The escalations were scary\u2013 in his<br>mind, the intense focus on his podcast by police should not have happened in any<br>sane or rational world, so it was not a leap to imagine physical danger.<br>From law enforcement\u2019s perspective, they were following a militia and perhaps<br>assumed Jeremy was a mastermind trying to throw them off and cover his tracks to<br>conceal the secret Nazis and weapons caches. From his perspective, \u201cI\u2019m literally a<br>guy in sweatpants with a laptop\u2014 are you surrounding the property with guns? What<br>are you doing?\u201d<br>True to form, Jeremy did not make things easy for himself. He sarcastically captioned<br>videos \u201cCanadian Nazi Takeover of Ottawa\u201d, \u201cUrgent: Statement from Neo-Nazi<br>Militia Commander\u201d, and \u201cBury Me with My Boots On.\u201d He also wrote a formal<br>letter titled \u201cDiagolon&#8217;s List of Demands to the Canadian Senate\u201d while the<br>Emergencies Act was in force, with a view towards explaining that he is not a security<br>threat. When Alex Vriend was arrested and released he posted, \u201cDiagolon will not<br>forgive this! You\u2019ve gone too far now, pigs!\u201d<br>One night, Jeremy and a few others were in a basement, laying on the floor in<br>sleeping bags. Evan Balgord and Bernie Farber appeared on television singling out<br>Diagolon as a potential source of violence, and the Fifth Estate was set to release an<br>episode with a segment on Diagolon that week. The media attention had ramped up<br>20<br>and nobody knew what to do. It was like a boy\u2019s sleepover, with Jeremy and his<br>friends scheming over candy bars in the dark.<br>Here is the plan they almost executed: There were two other guys approximately the<br>same size and build as Jeremy and Derek Harrison. They planned to switch clothes<br>and cell phones, send their body doubles into the crowd, and position themselves<br>across the street with walkie talkies to see what happened. The cops would realize<br>what happened too late and declare, \u201cOh damn! The switcheroo!\u201d<br>In the end, Jeremy and Derek decided not to go downtown.<br>Jeremy laughingly imagines the fallout if they had gone ahead with it: \u201cMarco<br>Mendicino might have appeared on television describing Diagolon as \u2018masters of<br>disguise\u2019 and \u2018stealth experts.\u2019\u201d He recalls eating cereal on a milkcrate dumbfounded<br>the morning the Minister of Public Safety declared that \u201cSeveral individuals at Coutts<br>have strong ties to a far-right extreme organization with leaders who are in Ottawa.\u201d<br>As much as Jeremy may not be a fan of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, he believes<br>the Emergencies Act was an institutional failure. The role of law enforcement<br>agencies and the Minister of Public Safety is to identify and triage national security<br>threats and inform the Prime Minister accordingly so he can make proper decisions.<br>If Trudeau is fed bad intelligence (such as portraying Diagolon as a militia that poses<br>a genuine threat to public safety), what is he supposed to do? Indeed, the responsible<br>course of action is to be prepared and look foolish if nothing happens, rather than<br>do nothing and risk people being hurt.<br>Jeremy finds it terrifying that law enforcement cannot discern comedy or trolling<br>from terrorism. It is either blatant incompetence, or an attempt to crush political<br>dissent.<br>Either way, the ones watching the gate cannot be trusted.<br>Public Order Emergency Commission<br>Jeremy was summoned to the Public Order Emergency Commission. The penalty<br>for refusing to appear was only a $400 fine, but Jeremy was eager to share his<br>perspective.<br>His lawyer, Sherif Foda, made an application to Commissioner Paul Rouleau<br>requesting an order to testify in camera, meaning without media coverage or access.<br>The rationale was that Jeremy would likely be facing jury trials in the near future,<br>and there was a risk of tainting public opinion. Several parties with standing objected<br>to the application, claiming (among other things) that media coverage was important<br>and necessary in the public interest.<br>21<br>The application to testify in private chambers was<br>denied, but Jeremy decided to participate<br>regardless. He defied everyone\u2019s low<br>expectations, appearing dapper and clean-shaven<br>despite his drab setting. He was the only witness<br>who testified from jail; this did not impact his<br>ability to speak cogently. He was thoughtful and<br>eloquent in his testimony, and unshaken in cross-<br>examination. At the end, Commissioner Rouleau<br>wished him luck with his upcoming trials.<br>Jeremy\u2019s testimony painted a picture of an<br>ordinary person caught up in extraordinary<br>circumstances with no playbook. Although he<br>was not a convoy organizer, he recognized that<br>his platform could be used constructively. He<br>implored his followers:<br>\u201cIf there\u2019s a speed limit on walking for some<br>reason, then you will walk slower than that.<br>Don\u2019t even litter. Don\u2019t spit. Don\u2019t even throw a<br>snowball. Don\u2019t give anyone any excuse to point<br>at you and say, \u2018Look what you\u2019ve done. Look<br>what you\u2019ve incited,\u2019 or created or fomented, and so on because that [would<br>undermine] the entire purpose of\u2026 everything everyone was trying to achieve.\u201d<br>Much of his testimony focused on the alleged connection between himself and the<br>Coutts weapons cache based on his alleged connection to arrestee Chris Lysak, and<br>the presence of Diagolon patches on a tactical vest seized by the RCMP.<br>Jeremy testified that Lysak was a long-time fan of the podcast, and someone he met<br>personally at meet and greet get-togethers in Saskatchewan. They took a photo<br>together. Jeremy jokingly appointed him Head of Security for Diagolon, which was<br>a nod to his physical stature and otherwise a meaningless honorific. Apart from these<br>encounters, there was never one-on-one conversation, though Lysak may have been<br>in some larger online group chats for the fanbase. Lysak called Jeremy a couple of<br>times since being arrested, and he offered words of encouragement. Jeremy did not<br>know any of the other people arrested in Coutts, and no evidence was provided to<br>contradict this assertion.<br>As far as the Diagolon patches, Jeremy testified that they appeared to be homemade<br>rather than purchased from his provisional supplier. Moreover, he personally had<br>never travelled to Coutts, nor was he communicating with anyone in Coutts. He<br>22<br>testified that the use of Diagolon imagery was about self-identifying as a fan or<br>member of the community, akin to identifying as a Toronto Maple Leafs fan by<br>putting a sticker on one\u2019s truck.<br>Jeremy also described receiving leaked screenshots from law enforcement group<br>chats, including the RCMP celebrating violence against civilians. He explained, \u201cAt<br>the time, and still presently, I&#8217;m very skeptical of law enforcement, especially<br>considering the political nature in which there appears to be a lot of interference<br>going on in the country.\u201d<br>The final five-volume Report of the Public Inquiry into the 2022 Public Order<br>Emergency is marred by certain shortcomings. First, the Commissioner consistently<br>took law enforcement at face value, despite issues with methodology and reasoning<br>that have since been uncovered. Second, the inquiry\u2019s truth-seeking function was<br>limited by procedural issues. Jeremy MacKenzie was unable to question any of the<br>countless witnesses who made statements about himself or Diagolon, meaning<br>potentially false or misleading statements were left unchallenged. Jeremy\u2019s lawyer<br>was not even informed that CAHN\u2019s Evan Balgord submitted an affidavit<br>contradicting his client\u2019s testimony and had no chance to test its accuracy through<br>cross-examination. The evidentiary value of such an affidavit would be next-to-<br>useless in court, if not inadmissible altogether.<br>It was convenient for federal policing agencies that Jeremy happened to be detained<br>on an RCMP-sourced Canada-wide warrant as the POEC unfolded, and worth<br>noting that the underlying charges have since been stayed.<br>Still, Jeremy\u2019s POEC testimony marked a turning point in media coverage. His name<br>went from being smeared for clickbait to barely being uttered. Despite submitting<br>30-page legal submissions about why it was so important for the media to inform<br>the public about Jeremy\u2019s testimony, its substance was hardly addressed. No<br>mainstream media outlets provided an in-depth summary or analysis. It was silent.<br>\u201cOn the battlefield, silence is the sound of victory. You know, because your enemies<br>are dead,\u201d jokes MacKenzie. He hastily adds, \u201cMetaphorically.\u201d<br>The Prosecution of Jeremy MacKenzie<br>In January 2022, Jeremy MacKenzie was arrested in Port Hawkesbury, Nova Scotia<br>with charges including careless use of a firearm. The alleged incident was the basis<br>for a search warrant for his home in Pictou, Nova Scotia. The raid resulted in<br>additional firearm-related offences. That matter is set for trial in September 2024.<br>23<br>In March 2022, MacKenzie was charged in Dartmouth, Nova Scotia in relation to<br>protests outside the residence of Dr. Strang, the provincial Chief Medical Officer of<br>Health. He spent four nights in custody before being released on bail. His release<br>order included unusually strict terms limiting his ability to engage in certain forms<br>of protest and speech against Premier Tim Houston\u2019s government. The presiding<br>judge ruled in his favour on a motion in August 2023, ordering the disclosure of<br>records of a meeting held immediately before his release that raises the specter of<br>political interference. He is raising several Charter<br>issues, including violation of his right to counsel,<br>improper search and seizure, and abuse of<br>process.<br>On July 18, 2022, an information was sworn<br>against MacKenzie in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan in<br>relation to offences that allegedly occurred in<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ol start=\"2021\"><li>The RCMP did not provide MacKenzie or<br>his counsel an opportunity to surrender, which<br>would be best practice where a party is<br>represented and facing charges in another<br>jurisdiction. In fact, MacKenzie only learned<br>about the warrant in late August, when he was contacted for comment by journalist<br>Stephen Maher from iPolitics\u2014Maher\u2019s source on the warrant appeared to be<br>extremism and national security commentator, Toronto 18 informant Mubin Shaikh.<br>The warrant was extended Canada-wide and enforced in September 2022.<br>In September 2022, MacKenzie made drunken, vulgar comments about Pierre<br>Poilievre\u2019s wife, Anaida. The federal Conservative Party leader called for the RCMP<br>to investigate. Days later, MacKenzie was arrested. The RCMP denied that<br>Poilievre\u2019s complaint had any influence on the sequence of events. Still, they made<br>a spectacle of hauling MacKenzie from Nova Scotia to Saskatchewan on a Canada-<br>wide warrant. MacKenzie was denied bail, left to sit indefinitely in a jail cell<br>thousands of kilometres from home. Additional charges were laid against him by<br>Quebec RCMP for allegedly uttering threats and criminal harassment.<br>MacKenzie spent over two months in pre-trial custody at the Saskatoon Correctional<br>Centre. He narrowly escaped being stabbed by a group of men who mistook him for<br>a white supremacist based on unfavourable news coverage that repeated CAHN<br>talking points. There was no escaping the smear campaign, not even behind bars.<br>Prosecutors in Saskatchewan and Quebec both relied on the same open source<br>intelligence material from CAHN to justify MacKenzie\u2019s detention \u2013 this, despite<br>the presumption of innocence, and his spotless criminal record.<br>24<br>MacKenzie connected with counsel willing and prepared to tackle his charges<br>spanning three provinces. Lawyer Sherif Foda filed a bail review application in<br>Saskatchewan, which was granted on consent at the eleventh hour. He also<br>successfully obtained bail in Quebec after a day-long hotly contested hearing.<br>Getting out of jail was a significant turning point; after months of spiraling<br>downward, Jeremy started to bounce back. His original charges from Port<br>Hawkesbury have been stayed. The Saskatchewan charges have also been stayed.<br>Jeremy entered into two peace bonds with no admission or finding of criminal<br>liability on his part. As his lawyer told SaskToday, \u201cMr. MacKenzie is eager to<br>proceed\u201d on his outstanding charges.<br>There is curious overlap between characters popping up in his cases across multiple<br>jurisdictions. The identities of complainants are protected by publication bans.<br>From Hero to Terrorist<br>What happened to Jeremy is breathtakingly unfair, but he takes it in stride. \u201cPeople<br>think, \u2018As long as I do everything right, if I don\u2019t make any mistakes, I will survive.\u2019<br>Like it\u2019s a science. But war is not science, it is chaos. Nothing is fair. Nothing makes<br>sense. You could be the best operator in the world and get killed without ever firing<br>a shot. It\u2019s hard to cope with. You have to accept, there\u2019s things out of your control.<br>This can end with you going home in a box, or not at all.\u201d<br>One of Jeremy\u2019s platoon members was vaporized by an IED, leaving behind only a<br>boot (with his foot still in it), and the upper half of his rifle. Jeremy had eaten<br>breakfast with him that morning. In a separate incident, Jeremy\u2019s favourite sergeant<br>was launched 100 ft into the air when the vehicle hit<br>a bomb, and possibly had 5-6 seconds of airtime<br>before he hit the ground, likely knowing he was going<br>to die. His body was retrieved intact. The other six or<br>seven soldiers who died in the vehicle were mangled;<br>it took nine stretchers to remove all the body parts,<br>not knowing for sure whose are whose.<br>Jeremy had a moment in the bathroom towards the<br>end of his career, literally looking at his reflection in<br>the mirror, sighing: \u201cWhat did you do? Great, I\u2019m the<br>Empire. I\u2019m a stormtrooper in the Imperial Empire.<br>That is what I am. Holy shit.\u201d<br>What were his sacrifices for? How did we get there? Why?<br>25<br>The reality is bleak: \u201cYou never get an answer,<br>nothing makes sense. We move onto the next<br>thing. Then, years later, we just walk away.<br>You watch it all unravel on television. And not<br>even an apology.\u201d<br>By the time Jeremy retired as a veteran, he was<br>training kids who were born after 9\/11. They<br>were joining a war that has been going on<br>longer than they\u2019ve been alive.<br>Many cannot fathom what it\u2019s like to live<br>through such trauma, only to face the ordeal<br>of being vilified by the country you fought for. For Jeremy, there was no other option<br>but to keep going:<br>You just have to continue. It won\u2019t kill you, but it\u2019s really gonna hurt and<br>be uncomfortable. You\u2019re not gonna die, this just really sucks\u2026 And<br>once you figure that out, what\u2019s the worst that can happen? I am going<br>to have a horribly shitty day, but eventually it has to end at some point.<br>He recalls how during Special Forces selection, informally known as \u201cHell Week\u201d,<br>soldiers are tested to the limits of their abilities. There are no time limits, no way to<br>know what to expect from one moment to the next. One day, he was instructed to<br>face the wall and await further instructions. Nobody came back for sixteen hours.<br>There was unknown distance marching, with a hundred pounds on your back and<br>having to go until they said stop, for kilometres at a time. They made to pick up<br>bricks and weights while submerged in water. Sometimes people drowned \u2013 he<br>recalls one guy had to be resuscitated. There was never any reprieve or end in sight.<br>He learned perseverance from those experiences, how to mentally switch off: \u201cThe<br>only way out is to continue until it ends, and when it ends it ends. You just can\u2019t<br>stop. Left foot, right foot, keep going. One day after the next.\u201d<br>The mental battle he is going through now is reminiscent of those times. \u201cThey just<br>kept piling it on. It started with that ARC Collective blog and Kurt Phillips. Then<br>the arrests. The RCMP took me to Saskatchewan. Denied me bail. Stacked on the<br>Quebec charges. And then I got debanked, and they screwed with my pension<br>money. And they just keep piling it on, and I refuse to stop. Sooner or later,<br>somebody is going to break. I know I\u2019m not a criminal, so I\u2019m just gonna keep doing<br>what I\u2019m doing.\u201d<br>Against all odds, his sense of humour remains intact.<br>26<br>Jeremy believes he was being followed by law enforcement as early as summer 2021.<br>Based on emails disclosed in a Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy<br>(FOIPOP) request, there is evidence that he was on their radar during the federal<br>election. Ever unserious, Jeremy started making fun of the RCMP officers he<br>correctly presumed to be tasked with monitoring his podcast: \u201cIn case they\u2019re<br>listening, they have to hear this, and endure me \u2013 like, just making fun of them and<br>mocking them. Constantly. All the time. And there\u2019s nothing they can do about it.<br>That\u2019s probably what contributed to their enthusiasm.\u201d<br>27<br>The FOIPOP and What We Discovered<br>The Canadian constitution divides power<br>between three branches of governance: the<br>legislative branch (Parliament and the<br>provincial legislatures); the executive branch,<br>which is responsible to the legislature (the<br>Prime Minister and Cabinet); and the judiciary.<br>The legislative branch is foundational to<br>democracy, as it is premised on the notion that<br>power flows from the citizens to their elected<br>representatives who are empowered to make<br>laws that govern the populational. The<br>executive branch is also dependent on the will<br>of the people as expressed in the ballot box\u2013 the Prime Minister and the cabinet are<br>chosen from elected members of the legislature, and enjoy power only so long as<br>they have Parliament\u2019s assent to critical legislation. The judiciary is independent of<br>the legislative and executive branches. Its role is to decide disputes and ensure, when<br>called upon, that these bodies exercise power in accordance with the constitution.<br>This roughly outlines Canada\u2019s democracy. For it to function well, two rights must<br>be safeguarded: the right to access information and the right to privacy.<br>Access to information is essential to informed debate, and acts as a check on abuse<br>of powers. In the words of Pierre Trudeau, \u201cthe democratic process requires the<br>ready availability of true and complete information. In this way people can<br>objectively evaluate the government\u2019s policies. To act otherwise is to give way to<br>despotic secrecy.\u201d<br>Privacy is linked to individual liberty. Section 7 of the Canadian Charter requires<br>respect for the individual\u2019s right to be free from arbitrary government restraint. The<br>government collects a lot of data and personal details about its population, on a<br>spectrum of sensitivity. The improper use of information, or even a fear of such<br>misuse, can stifle political dissent as individuals fear reprisal by government actors.<br>In 1983, Canada adopted a twin set of quasi-constitutional laws to protect access to<br>information and privacy. Under the Access to Information Act, any Canadian citizen<br>or permanent resident may, for a nominal fee, apply to an applicable federal<br>institution and request disclosure of information.The Privacy Act restricts the right<br>of access, by prohibiting the disclosure of personal information to third parties. It<br>also grants individuals the right to access, correct, and monitor the use of any<br>personal information in the government\u2019s possession.<br>28<br>National security concerns may limit the extent of disclosure of information to an<br>individual and may permit intrusions into individuals\u2019 privacy. However, the courts<br>require measures to ensure that people are treated with procedural fairness.<br>On September 1, 2023, Jeremy MacKenzie received the results of a Freedom of<br>Information and Protection of Privacy (FOIPOP) request to Federal Policing:<br>Any and All records, files (etc), documents, memos, e-mails,<br>communication records, and reports on the subject of &#8220;Diagolon&#8221; or in<br>relation or reference to the subject of Diagolon. Search term: Diagolon<br>Also referred to as the Diagolon Network or Diagolon Militia.<br>Timeframe: January 01 2021 to August 15 2022.<br>The request was submitted over a year ago, but a series of external consultations<br>delayed the release of documents. It was worth the wait. The information validates<br>Jeremy\u2019s apprehension about copy-and-paste police work, in which law enforcement<br>accepts open source intelligence at face value without scrutiny or asking questions.<br>Every falsehood and misrepresentation seems to lead back to the Canadian Anti-<br>Hate Network.<br>What you see here is only half the story. We are still in the process of sifting through<br>over a thousand pages of information that require careful analysis, and plan to release<br>other findings and relevant material as we go along.<br>The FOIPOP packages reveal several outrageous blunders and oversights, which<br>will be covered in the coming pages. But when it\u2019s all said and done, the lingering<br>sentiments we are left with are a mixture of shock and disappointment over the sheer<br>incompetence, displayed in full view. The magnitude of it. How it could have gotten<br>this far without anyone stopping it.<br>Two years of inconsistency and ineptitude. A death by a thousand cuts.<br>Inconsistencies and Speculations<br>Our most consistent finding was the inconsistency\u2014the casualness with which<br>falsehoods were repeated without a second thought. The abject carelessness, coupled<br>with a remarkable intolerance for ambiguity. Wherever there was confusion, holes<br>in the narrative were patched with rumours, innuendos, and speculation.<br>The obsequious desire to be helpful, to impress one\u2019s colleagues, led people to offer<br>opinions that were flat-out wrong. A hypothesis became a foregone conclusion.<br>Nobody rolled it back. Words like \u201ccould\u201d, \u201cmight have\u201d, \u201ccould have happened\u201d,<br>replaced actual proof. As a last resort, clickbaity articles and tweets by CAHN and<br>its constellation of anonymous twitter accounts, were offered up in lieu of proof by<br>people with \u201cIntelligence Analyst\u201d in their signature line.<br>29<br>To see how painfully some law enforcement officers and researchers struggled to fit<br>a square peg into a round hole, brings to mind Hanlon&#8217;s Razor: \u201cNever attribute to<br>malice that which can be adequately explained by stupidity.\u201d<br>Conversely, Jeremy was considered a wily mastermind. The absence of any proof<br>that Diagolon is a violent extremist group rather than a make-believe concept, was<br>not viewed as an exoneration or lack of culpability, but proof that further scrutiny<br>was necessary. The idea of presumed innocence was not brought up once, in over a<br>thousand pages. At every turn, we saw lazy conflations of Diagolon with ethno-<br>nationalism, white supremacy, and ideologically-motivated violent extremism.<br>A curious escalation of commitment happened. People who pride themselves on<br>their intellect and objectivity refused to believe they were duped, or that they fell<br>prey to their own biases. Instead, they strained to redefine Jeremy and Diagolon as<br>nefarious in some way, perhaps to save face.<br>People who thought themselves impartial did not exhibit a shred of good faith as<br>they bent over themselves trying to define Diagolon as a \u201cgroup\u201d, while at the same<br>time referring to it as a \u201cmovement\u201d, \u201caccelerationist group\u201d, \u201cmilitia\u201d, and even a<br>\u201cneo-fascist violent militia\u201d\u2014treating them as interchangeable terms.<br>These are not synonyms. In law enforcement, language must be precise for good<br>reason. Definitions make all the difference in ensuring everyone is held to the same<br>standards. The fact that after such extraordinary efforts, there still is no reliable,<br>consistent assessment of Diagolon or how violent they think Jeremy MacKenzie is,<br>should be proof enough of his innocence.<br>Even when they concede that \u201cDiagolon \u2018doesn\u2019t fit the definition\u2019 of a terrorist<br>entity according to Canada\u2019s Anti-Terrorism Act,\u201d researchers like Amarnath<br>Amarasingham, whose work brings him into CAHN\u2019s radius, are averse to admit<br>they might have been wrong. \u201cThe danger with Diagolon, rather, lies with how its<br>viewers might internalize the cynical worldview Mackenzie and other affiliated<br>broadcasters present,\u201d he wrote.<br>We would argue the true danger lies in the speculation that an artist, author, or<br>comedian, should be held responsible for what fringe elements of their fanbase<br>might do.<br>Slippery slope fallacies are how we end up throwing books into bonfires. And yet<br>there is a real possibility that groundwork is being laid out, through the efforts of<br>state-funded academics, smarmy consultants, and think tanks powered by defence<br>contracts, to make the case for holding influencers and content creators responsible<br>for the actions of third parties. This, of course, has less to do with \u201charm prevention\u201d<br>30<br>and more about censoring someone at will. What better way to kill artistic expression<br>than hold an artist responsible for the actions of thousands of strangers.<br>Cultural and generational differences were overlooked by those who were<br>surveilling, rather than understanding, the Diagolon fanbase. As external observers,<br>rather than participants, they hadn\u2019t been initiated into the subculture. Imagine<br>dropping in on a roomful of hardcore \u201cRisk\u201d players talking about armed conflict<br>and conquests, and thinking they\u2019re for real. Or taking a Dungeons and Dragons<br>session at face value. Or going to a Civil War reenactment where everyone stays in<br>character, and interpreting cosplay fantasies as genuine plans for insurrection.<br>How could Jeremy Mackenzie become the founder of a not quite-ideologically<br>motivated, almost-violent, could-be extremist group, not really-fascist, maybe-militia<br>that doesn\u2019t meet RCMP and CSIS definitions of a \u201cgroup\u201d, yet is still deemed<br>dangerous enough to warrant special communiques going out to intelligence<br>agencies across the globe?<br>Because nobody took the lack of evidence at face value.<br>Yes, sometimes it really is that simple.<br>Popularized in the blockbuster movie Minority Report, the idea of intercepting crime<br>before it happens emerged from the eponymous sci-fi story by Philip K Dick, which<br>was preceded by George Orwell\u2019s dystopian masterpiece Nineteen Eighty-Four. Both<br>serve as cautionary tales of an omnipotent authoritarian state marked by mass<br>surveillance, social repression, and criminal profiling. If they think you\u2019re guilty,<br>they\u2019ll take you out before a crime is committed. The State\u2019s word is Supreme Law,<br>and no judgment can be appealed.<br>As laws crack down on freedom of expression, humour\u2014often a person\u2019s primary<br>defence mechanism when it comes to releasing tension, concealing pain, or speaking<br>inconvenient truths\u2014is the first to be sacrificed and reframed as wrongthink.<br>Historically, those writers, poets, comedians who didn\u2019t censor their exuberance<br>were the first to discover that satire comes with a heavy price.<br>What was once science fiction is fast becoming reality, and nowhere more obviously<br>than in the context of counterterrorism. Those cognizant of the effect of self-<br>fulfilling prophecies have argued that, far from preventing crime, such measures<br>produce the outcomes they profess to prevent. A crime prevention model might<br>work well in theory. But if you\u2019re going to take strong measures to prevent crime<br>from happening, you\u2019d better be damn sure you have the right suspect.<br>31<br>Elisa\u2019s Story<br>Taking Down the Heritage Front<br>In the early 90s, sixteen-year-old Romanian immigrant Elisa Hategan (then Elisse)<br>was held up as the innocent young face of an Ontario neo-Nazi, white supremacist<br>group known as the Heritage Front. With over 200 members, including violent<br>skinheads with convictions for aggravated assault, kidnapping and attempted<br>murder, and implicated in firebombings, it was considered the most dangerous white<br>supremacist group in modern Canadian history. Elisa was groomed as a media<br>spokesperson to soften the image of violent skinheads, even appearing on The<br>Montel Williams Show at age seventeen to repeat scripted talking points that<br>concealed the group&#8217;s hateful ideology.<br>It was a cynical, yet effective strategy. But the adult<br>puppeteers failed to account for personal agency, nor<br>for Elisa\u2019s identity as a closeted lesbian with Jewish<br>roots, later confirmed through DNA tests. Elisa began<br>to secretly provide information to anti-racist activists, at<br>great personal risk, revealing details about illegal<br>weapons and the identity of a Toronto police officer<br>who was a group member. At age eighteen, she defected<br>from the group, stealing part of Holocaust denier Ernst<br>Zundel\u2019s membership list. Months later, her courtroom<br>testimony was instrumental in securing the convictions<br>of three Heritage Front leaders\u2014a fatal blow that<br>triggered the group&#8217;s decline and eventual demise.<br>While the leaders were serving jail time, co-founder and second-in-command leader<br>Grant Bristow was exposed as an undercover CSIS operative by Toronto Sun<br>reporter Bill Dunphy, in part due to scrutiny that arose after Hategan\u2019s affidavits and<br>testimony pointed to Bristow being an agent provocateur who directed criminal activity<br>such as the It Campaign, a brutal harassment campaign directing Indigenous<br>community leaders and anti-racist activists.<br>Despite having incurred serious death threats, including being questioned at<br>knifepoint by Front members the day before her defection, Elisa was inexplicably<br>denied entry into the RCMP\u2019s Witness Protection Program. Grant Bristow, however,<br>was promptly relocated to Alberta, given a home, cars and a generous monthly<br>paycheck for years afterwards, despite the fact that his five years of work in<br>Operation Governor had not led to the arrest and conviction of a single Canadian<br>neo-Nazi.<br>32<br>Forced to live in hiding across Canada for more than two years, relying on kind<br>strangers, homeless shelters, and dumpster-diving to survive, Elisa, a ninth-grade<br>high-school dropout with a history of familial abuse and foster care, managed to<br>earn a Nova Scotia GED and was accepted into the University of Ottawa\u2019s<br>prestigious criminology program.<br>Motivated to understand how extremists target youth for radicalization, Elisa made<br>the best of her second chance, engaging in volunteer work inside prison and youth<br>detention centres, while working two jobs and relying on student loans to stay afloat.<br>In 1999, aged 25, she graduated magna cum laude with a double major in criminology<br>and psychology.<br>Behind the Scenes at ARC Collective<br>It was 2011, long after Elisa had returned to Toronto following a stint as an ESL<br>teacher in Seoul, South Korea, when a Google search for figures from her past led<br>her to a blogspot site called Anti-Racist Canada (ARC). ARC featured articles about<br>Canada\u2019s far right and expos\u00e9s of people the author characterized as extremists.<br>Recognizing an individual ARC was trying to identify in an old Ernst Zundel photo,<br>she left a comment. A correspondence with the webmaster, who called himself<br>\u201cNosferatu200\u201d, followed, growing into a fast friendship.<br>The website was operated by Kurt Phillips, a Drumheller, Alberta high school<br>teacher two years Elisa\u2019s junior, who had created ARC in 2008 as a hobby project to<br>keep track of \u201cNazis.\u201d In an early email, Kurt called himself her \u201cfan boy\u201d and<br>gushed about recognizing her name: \u201cYou, more than anyone else, took down one<br>of the nastiest hate groups that had existed in Canada in years.\u201d He then invited her<br>to join the ARC Collective and write for the blog, confessing it was mostly a one-<br>man operation. Auxiliary support came from one other person, a female volunteer<br>from Quebec.<br>Elisa\u2019s first article was prefaced by Kurt\u2019s unreserved endorsement:<br>Hategan, who did more to take down the Front than any Canadian<br>government agency ever could (and, really, in spite of some government<br>agencies). Despite the efforts from 2001 to 2005 to revive the group,<br>Elisse\u2019s testimony essentially killed the HF as a viable movement in<br>Canada and exposed the activities of CSIS to public examination.<br>The blurb was accompanied by a hyperlink to Elisa\u2019s testimony before the Senate<br>Parliamentary Committee that investigated the Bristow Affair.<br>Kurt visited Elisa in Toronto in 2013. They spent two days hanging out and she took<br>him to all the Heritage Front old haunts, such as Zundel\u2019s townhouse on Carlton<br>33<br>Street, where she had worked and sometimes sought refuge when homelife turned<br>violent, and the building where leader Wolfgang Droege was shot dead in 2005.<br>Photos taken by Elisa during the visit ended up on ARC\u2019s website; with all her blog<br>entries now deleted by Kurt, they are the only visible reminder of her contributions<br>to the Collective.<br>Although platonic, the two were close friends. Their phone calls and Facebook<br>Messenger interactions were marked by affectionate exchanges and Elisa\u2019s<br>confessions of severe childhood abuse, chronic depression, and history of suicide<br>attempts. Kurt called himself \u201cfamily\u201d and assured her that if she ever needed him,<br>he would drop everything and fly to Toronto. He sent her several gift packages and<br>contributed hundreds of dollars to her book fundraising campaigns, enlisting his<br>mother to also donate.<br>With Phillips\u2019 encouragement, Hategan published her memoir Race Traitor: The True<br>Story of Canadian Intelligence\u2019s Greatest Cover-up, in 2014. Phillips promptly wrote a 5-<br>star Amazon review under the handle \u201cJohn Smith\u201d, citing Hategan as \u201cthe key<br>figure in taking down the leadership.\u201d<br>Their friendship allowed Elisa exclusive and unfiltered access to Kurt\u2019s sleuthing<br>tactics, which included LARPing as a Russian model named Anya and cosplaying as<br>a Nazi to extract what at times seemed rather dubious intel, such as hardcore erotica<br>stories.<br>\u201cAnya\u201d was one of Kurt Phillips\u2019 alter egos \u2013<br>a hot, blonde Russian model who lurked in<br>white nationalist chatrooms. Conversations<br>with neo-Nazi Paul Fromm, also a (former)<br>high school teacher, elicited erotic images and<br>stories from Fromm, including a fanfic<br>starring Rasputin which included the<br>protagonist (bearing a passing resemblance to<br>the imaginary Anya) fondly reminiscing about<br>having anal sex as a child.<br>Kurt boasted about such conquests and<br>disseminated screenshots like trophies to Elisa and the other female ARC Collective<br>member. He talked about saving the information to be publicly exposed at the right<br>moment, but nothing meaningful appears to have been accomplished \u2013 not even<br>when Fromm sought to run for public office.<br>The shady research tactics didn\u2019t stop with the honeypot traps. Once, when someone<br>threatened Elisa on Facebook, Kurt gallantly volunteered to \u201cmake some calls\u201d and<br>34<br>\u201cgive him a reason to be frightened\u201d. Elisa hadn\u2019t<br>seen that side of Kurt, but hints appeared when he<br>shared plans to buy a silicone skinhead mask to<br>cosplay a skinhead in online forums.<br>In 2015, Elisa\u2019s depression spiraled into despair after<br>abruptly discovering that, while she\u2019d been in hiding,<br>the CBC had culled lived experiences from her 1994<br>trial testimony and interviews with people who knew<br>her, and released a 1998 movie titled White Lies,<br>starring Sarah Polley. Approximately 75% of the<br>scenes can be traced to snapshots of Elisa\u2019s life as<br>described in print media, trial transcripts, and a 1994 Vision TV documentary.<br>Hategan was never credited or paid. Instead, the CBC misattributed the story\u2019s<br>inspiration, with Bernie Farber being thanked in the end credits. The film earned<br>producers Gemini and Emmy awards; Elisa was picking for food through garbage<br>cans while life rights were being sold to the CBC behind her back.<br>The shock of seeing traumatic events reenacted without her permission, coupled<br>with her mother\u2019s death within months of that discovery, pushed Elisa over the edge.<br>The \u201cfamily\u201d support she had come to expect from Kurt never materialized. When<br>she posted on Facebook that her only relative in Canada was dying, she recalls that<br>his response was a sad face emoji. Suicidal and under the influence of alcohol, she<br>wrote him an angry, abrasive letter accusing him of being no better than the Nazis<br>he claimed to fight. She CC\u2019d it to the other female ARC member (who Kurt was<br>infatuated with at the time, and who subsequently left ARC), before blocking him<br>on social media.<br>Within months of CAHN\u2019s inception in 2018, Kurt scrubbed all of Elisa\u2019s<br>contributions from ARC, including a link to her memoir\u2019s Amazon page, which he<br>had assured her would never be removed. In Elisa\u2019s view, the sanitization coincided<br>with a new narrative being disseminated, one that clashed with historical facts as she<br>describes in the memoir both Kurt and Bernie Farber once praised. She made several<br>attempts to communicate with him, with no avail.<br>Soon after, Elisa sued two CAHN Board members, including Chair Bernie Farber,<br>after Farber made comments on TVO\u2019s The Agenda with Steve Paikin that, in her<br>view, misattributed her singular role in the \u201ctakedown of the Heritage Front\u201d in<br>order to advance a narrative she believed was more profitable and favourable to<br>Farber\u2019s interests. She also sued TVO; the case was settled out of court, with the<br>terms of the settlement bound by a confidentiality clause.<br>35<br>In December 2019, Elisa uploaded a 171-page affidavit to Scribd, which referenced<br>her work with Kurt in ARC. Three weeks later, following an appearance on CBC\u2019s<br>Fifth Estate where his face was inadequately blurred, Phillips\u2019 identity was revealed<br>on KiwiFarms by Bryan Trottier. Trottier had sourced the name from Elisa\u2019s<br>affidavit, but it was not until he saw Kurt\u2019s face and distinct glasses on CBC, that he<br>was able to match them to photos of Phillips available online.<br>Instead of assigning any blame to either the CBC or Trottier, Kurt placed all the<br>responsibility for his \u201cdoxx\u201d squarely on Elisa\u2019s shoulders. It was the beginning of a<br>vicious online harassment campaign by trolls associated with CAHN that continues<br>to today, turning a once-lauded heroine into a villain, while elevating someone who<br>Elisa refers to as an \u201carmchair activist\u201d, into a hero.<br>After his identity was revealed, Kurt was featured in high-profile media interviews,<br>gained thousands of Twitter followers, and was praised as a CAHN board member.<br>He also incurred threats and harassment, as did Elisa, but there was no one to<br>insulate her from the fallout.<br>As Kurt\u2019s fame and popularity grew, he\u2014a man who never shut down any hate<br>groups or formally studied criminology and terrorism\u2014was touted as an \u201cexpert\u201d<br>on the far-right, while the Jewish woman with formal training who had risked her<br>life to shut down a hate group was smeared as a Nazi.<br>The Canadian Anti-Hate Network is Born<br>The Canadian Anti-Hate Network (CAHN) was incorporated in Toronto on March<br>30, 2018, as a not-for-profit organization that purports to be an antifascist and<br>antiracist advocacy group. Its stated mission is to \u201cmonitor, research, and counter<br>hate groups by providing education and information on hate groups to the public,<br>media, researchers, courts, law enforcement, and community groups.\u201d As part of its<br>mandate, CAHN publishes articles and toolkits about identifying and confronting<br>the nebulous \u201cfar-right\u201d and is frequently cited<br>on mainstream media platforms as a de facto<br>source of information on \u201chate\u201d and<br>extremism.<br>CAHN\u2019s founding members are Bernie<br>Farber, former CEO of the now-defunct<br>Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC), lawyer<br>Richard Warman, journalist Amira<br>Elghawaby, and Evan Balgord, former vice-<br>president of the Canadian Association of<br>Journalists.<br>36<br>At present, Balgord serves as Executive Director, Farber is Chair, Kurt Phillips, high<br>school teacher and operator of the ARC Collective is on the board of directors, and<br>\u201cElizabeth Simons,\u201d an individual whose identity or credentials cannot be verified,<br>is \u201cdeputy director\u201d. The board of directors also include Nigel Barriffe and Sue<br>Gardner.<br>There is also an Advisory Board that consists of Ontario Tech University professor<br>Barbara Perry, ex-CJC director Len Rudner, and has included political pundit Warren<br>Kinsella, and others. Its structure and purpose is unclear, as are the identities of most<br>of its members. CAHN\u2019s sphere of influence extends beyond the entity itself to<br>include associated journalists or quasi-journalists, whether named, pseudonymized,<br>or anonymous.<br>Armed with $25,000 in seed funding from the Southern<br>Poverty Law Center, CAHN quickly outpaced other<br>fledgling non-profits by raking in sizeable donations, a<br>significant grant from the Bank of Montreal, and a<br>$268,400 grant from the Liberal government\u2019s Anti-<br>Racism Action Program. It certainly helped that two of<br>the men at its helm, Farber and Balgord, had extensive<br>media connections, which ensured that CAHN would<br>receive the kind of widespread press coverage other<br>human rights organizations with established track<br>records could only dream of.<br>It might have been a new organization, but the ARC Collective\u2019s modus operandi<br>continued. A chimera of sorts, CAHN absorbed the blog archive, arbitrary targets,<br>and questionable cybersleuthing tactics Kurt had relied on for over a decade, and<br>transplanted them into a new incarnation &#8211; one that arguably turned the word<br>\u201cleverage\u201d into a business plan.<br>Whatever CAHN lacked in terms of experience, expertise or credentials, they made<br>up for by collaborating with academics and assorted journalists, riding on credentials<br>and accolades that existed long before the concept took root in the mind of one<br>ambitious, well-connected opportunist.<br>The \u201cDark Arts\u201d behind Anti-Hate<br>To gain a rudimentary understanding of how ARC and CAHN\u2019s roads intersected,<br>you need look no further than the explosive allegations contained in the Twitter<br>threads of Toronto journalist and antifascist activist Kevin Metcalf. Although<br>incomplete, his recollections offer a bird\u2019s eye glimpse of the obscure origins of the<br>Canadian Anti-Hate Network.<br>37<br>Metcalf first met Evan Balgord in 2013, at Chrystia Freeland&#8217;s victory party. As he<br>recalls it, some time later, Balgord &#8211; who is rumoured to be Toronto ex-mayor John<br>Tory\u2019s nephew &#8211; invited him for a beer at a bar \u201caround the corner from the<br>downtown condo his US banker parents\u2019 money was paying for,\u201d for a discussion<br>centered around the \u201cdark arts of politics\u201d.<br>According to Metcalf, Balgord \u201chad a specific interest in twitter disinformation,<br>sock-puppetry and media manipulation.\u201d After the beers, they went back to<br>Balgord\u2019s place. That\u2019s when Metcalf claims that Balgord behaved in a way that made<br>him uncomfortable, prompting his hasty exit. Save for a sporadic email exchange,<br>they would not meet again until 2016.<br>One week after Metcalf was hired by the Canadian Journalists for Free Expression,<br>Balgord, out of the blue, invited him to socialize. \u201cHe was suddenly my new best<br>friend.\u201d Metcalf slowly warmed to Balgord, despite feeling that his communications<br>suggested \u201ca cavalier attitude towards the truth.\u201d He passed on scoops garnered<br>from his work with CJFE, a move he now regrets.<br>Metcalf\u2019s bitterness is palpable, radiating caustically through his posts. Pointing to a<br>screenshot of Balgord\u2019s Muck Rack page, he asserts, \u201c80% of his early work was<br>cribbed directly from my notes, activism, scoops, sources (even leaks) I gave him. A<br>lot of that can be proved from chat logs. Only one of us ever got credit for the work.<br>I did the legwork, provided the consulting, referred sources, vouched etc. Despite<br>that it had almost all been my own work, nobody made me &#8220;Vice President of the<br>@caj&#8221;. In fact, I got blacklisted.\u201d<br>In the beginning, Balgord seemed more interested in Metcalf\u2019s work against Bill C-<br>51, the federal surveillance bill that became the Anti-Terrorism Act, than his<br>antifascist work. That all changed after Trump\u2019s 2016 election.<br>Metcalf claims he provided advice and feedback on how to start a nonprofit, which<br>depended on Balgord\u2019s ability to acquire Kurt Phillips Anti-Racist Canada website,<br>which came complete with a decade-long archive and antifascist street cred.<br>\u201cBalgord told me straight-up this hinged on co-opting (sorry, professionalizing)<br>ARC.\u201d To give credence to his statements, Metcalf\u2019s tweet is accompanied by a<br>screenshot of an email where Balgord, if he authored the email, does indeed appear<br>intent on continuing ARC, by morphing it into a Canadian rendition of the Southern<br>Poverty Law Center.<br>In Metcalf\u2019s view, Balgord didn\u2019t intend to build an \u201cantifascist\u201d group, so much as<br>co-opt other antifascists\u2019 work \u201cto produce partisan &#8220;opposition research&#8221; targeting<br>conservative political organizing in support of shady electioneering efforts.\u201d<br>38<br>In private conversation, Metcalf claims that Balgord traveled to either Alberta or<br>Saskatchewan to meet with Kurt Phillips on several occasions in late 2017 \u2013 early<br>2018; we have no way to confirm when exactly Phillips and Balgord first met and<br>under what circumstances.<br>He also claims that Warren Kinsella, Bernie Farber\u2019s long-time friend and self-<br>admitted \u201cbrother from another mother\u201d, was the one to initially connect Balgord<br>to Richard Warman by email, after being looped into an email thread related to<br>Metcalf\u2019s assault by the JDL. Afterwards, Warman allegedly suggested Balgord reach<br>out to Farber in order to build social license to start CAHN.<br>\u201cI was there for their meeting,\u201d Metcalf says. \u201cIt was at a bar in Ottawa. But then I<br>had to leave the room.\u201d At the time, he shrugged off the snub. \u201cI just figured I was<br>too activist or whatever.\u201d What seemed weirder to him was that Warman\u2019s office<br>was ostensibly located in the Department of Defence building, and he was<br>introduced as a \u201cDND Lawyer.\u201d<br>\u201cOn the way home from Ottawa [Evan] told me that he needed to reach out to<br>Bernie. That was two months before Charlottesville. I think Bernie just brought the<br>license of the Jewish community. That&#8217;s when Evan stopped trying to doxx the<br>JDL.\u201d<br>There is no way to independently confirm the accuracy of Metcalf\u2019s account.Evan<br>Balgord did not respond to our request for comment.<br>Things between Metcalf and Balgord soured after Metcalf was fired from CJFE for<br>releasing a public statement that condemned Israel for the deaths of Gaza journalists.<br>Metcalf believes he was blacklisted by the CBC and other mainstream press after<br>that. CAHN stopped mentioning Metcalf in their articles, which prompted him to<br>declare he \u201cwas going to criticize them for being co-optive.\u201d<br>He was swiftly blocked. \u201cAnd that&#8217;s when the coordinated, malicious defamation<br>started, with an attempt to brand me a &#8220;Russiagate conspiracy theorist&#8221; by a<br>prominent network contributor,\u201d Metcalf shares in his Twitter thread. \u201cOver several<br>months in early 2021, nearly anyone who liked my tweets received a message from<br>various members\/employees\/affiliates of CAHN. The whisperers whispered in the<br>ears of anyone with open DM&#8217;s. It&#8217;s called &#8220;Badjacketing&#8221;. My follower<br>count\/engagement plummeted.<br>\u201cWhen I tried to address some of the people spreading allegations about me, other<br>affiliates accused me of &#8220;doxxing&#8221; for naming the individuals engaged in the active<br>defamation. Others asserted I was an &#8220;anti-semite [\u2026] They also widely circulated a<br>false claim I was working with fascists, throughout their network, urging dozens or<br>39<br>hundreds of users to block me here, some going as far as to reach out to anyone<br>who&#8217;d ever published me.\u201d<br>Metcalf\u2019s ordeal rings painfully true to the authors of this article, because we have<br>both lived through it. Although he declares that he dislikes me, which is his<br>prerogative, he is forthright to relate a conversation where Morgan Yew, the author<br>of a defamatory article about me published by CAHN, told him that \u201cthe reason he<br>picked a fight with Caryma Sa&#8217;d over the Chris Sky event was that she was<br>competition getting in the way of his selling content to @VICE. I don&#8217;t like Caryma<br>but CAHN did run an article written by a self-admitted competitor, attacking<br>Caryma over the 2021 Chris Sky event, an event that same contributor helped<br>organize a counter-protest to. That&#8217;s a clear ethical breach\/conflict of interest.\u201d<br>To this day, Metcalf remains unequivocal in his characterization of CAHN: \u201cThis<br>&#8220;network&#8221; is a malicious hivemind which turns friends into enemies in a bid to<br>maintain its hegemony over Canadian antifascist spaces. That which will not be co-<br>opted (or which lacks ongoing utility) must be marginalized and defamed.<br>\u201cThey&#8217;re not JUST an anti-hate nonprofit, they&#8217;re an unaccountable nonprofit spy<br>agency and I say with some authority that I believe this was always the goal. I&#8217;ve tried<br>to broach this subject in the past few months, and have been subjected to a campaign<br>of harassment.\u201d<br>The conflict of interest that Metcalf describes doesn\u2019t end with me. In fact, it\u2019s just<br>the beginning.<br>40<br>The Business of Hate<br>Consulting gigs. Training seminars. Educational toolkits. There\u2019s big money in the<br>business of hate. Groups whose livelihood hinges on monitoring and fighting \u201chate\u201d<br>would be rendered obsolete if hate disappeared overnight.<br>If all you need to establish a \u201chate group\u201d is a couple of antisocial misfits exchanging<br>racist memes in a discord chat, it\u2019s easy to see how Canada could have 300, 500, even<br>a thousand hate groups. If you set your filters wide enough, that number is<br>surprisingly easy to reach. Especially if a \u201chate group\u201d can consist of only \u201cthree or<br>four members\u201d.<br>In a 2021 op-ed, journalist Jon Kay takes issue with CAHN Advisory Board member<br>Barbara Perry\u2019s estimation that 300 hate groups operate in Canada. He requests to<br>see the list, and suggests creating a public database where all 300 groups can be<br>logged for easy reference. Moreover, he expresses dismay at how mainstream media<br>regurgitates such numbers to buttress the idea that \u201cCanada is on the cusp of some<br>kind of full-on white supremacist apocalypse.\u201d<br>In May 2023, journalist Cosmin Dzsurdzsa reached out to Ontario Tech University<br>and requested documentation of the 300 figure. OTU refused to release the list,<br>sending an email saying that Perry&#8217;s &#8220;research&#8221; was not in their custody and citing<br>the Privacy Act. Dzsurdzsa had already written about his attempts to access the list.<br>Frustrated, he tweeted, \u201cPerry&#8217;s extraordinary claims have been cited by the Liberal<br>government, in committees and is informing lawmaking. It&#8217;s been years and she&#8217;s<br>never produced a single shred of evidence. Effectively, without releasing the list, Dr.<br>Perry&#8217;s research serves as a carte blanche for lawmakers to fearmonger and clamp<br>down on dissent under the guise of fighting hate. If these groups are indeed a threat,<br>the public has a right to know who they are.\u201d<br>Inflated numbers. Dubious metrics. Smearing the competition.<br>Anonymous \u201cexperts\u201d who refuse to provide credentials or evidence to<br>back up their expertise. Using others\u2019 work without permission. False or<br>unsubstantiated claims. Shady research tactics. Ignoring vicious<br>harassment campaigns by supporters against critics and competitors.<br>Backdoor influence from intelligence agencies.<br>These are all accusations that have been levelled at CAHN. Quite the<br>impressive tally for an organization only established in 2018. And yet,<br>despite mounting criticism, both this country\u2019s mainstream media and<br>its law enforcement organizations continue to unquestioningly take for<br>granted, what we consider questionable expertise.<br>41<br>The Canadian military is still haunted by the shameful spectre of the Canadian<br>Airborne Regiment, an elite faction that was disbanded in 1995 following the torture<br>and beating death of Somalian teenager Shidane Arone at the hands of two Canadian<br>soldiers who took trophy photos with the battered, dying boy. The brutality sparked<br>outrage and triggered the Somalia Affair, which uncovered pervasive racism in the<br>regiment and led directly to its disbandment.<br>There is no question that people with extremist mindsets are drawn to outlets where<br>they can learn combat skills to put into practice in the event of widespread<br>insurrections. Elisa remembers that Heritage Front leaders encouraged members to<br>engage in paramilitary training, urging them to join the Canadian Armed Forces<br>(CAF) to gain knowledge about munitions and firearms that would be useful in a<br>future Race War scenario. Two brothers who were HF members and part of the<br>Airborne Regiment, offered to pass on their skillset to small cadres of hotheaded<br>skinheads: they would get together on weekends to run drills and go shooting. The<br>same brothers were later arrested and charged with the kidnapping and torture of a<br>fellow HF member whom they suspected was a \u201crat\u201d.<br>If you were around in the 90s, the graphic images of Shidane Arone\u2019s bloody face<br>are seared in your memory. When the words \u201cracists\u201d and \u201carmy\u201d are paired, that\u2019s<br>what you flash to &#8211; acts of extreme brutality, confederate and swastika flags hung up<br>in barracks, the top brass determined to cover up an embarrassing scandal before it<br>became impossible to deny it. Not the mundane &#8211; yet more prevalent &#8211; racism that<br>lingers and may never be fully eradicated: crude banter, offensive stereotypes, the<br>kind of crass humour you don\u2019t hear in polite company.<br>But the military learned their lessons all too well. Nobody wants to be caught with<br>their pants down again. Their eagerness to prevent the recurrence of another Somalia<br>Affair leaves them prone to overcorrect. If a similar scandal ever broke out, they<br>won&#8217;t be accused of ignoring racist behaviour &#8211; just look at what we\u2019ve invested in<br>sensitivity training and toolkits on how to deal with Nazis.<br>Clearly, detecting and preventing ideological extremism<br>among its ranks is an ongoing concern for any armed<br>forces. But it also opens the door for unscrupulous<br>opportunists vying to sell snake oil solutions to a problem<br>whose parameters they themselves defined.<br>If you\u2019re in the business of \u201cpreventing hate\u201d, nothing<br>beats a country\u2019s defense budget. The big bucks are in the<br>military, and those who establish themselves as experts on<br>the boogeymen du jour stand to make a pretty penny. If<br>you\u2019re clever enough, you can pitch just about anything:<br>42<br>developing informational manuals, staff training programs, research protocols,<br>monitoring software\u2014the sky\u2019s the limit. The top commanders who sign the<br>cheques probably know less than those who purport expertise. They simply want to<br>show that something\u2019s been done, boxes were checked off, the issue taken care of.<br>Setting aside the brutality that is inherent to the military, dangerous violent<br>extremists are outliers within the CAF. But upholding an alarmist narrative is more<br>lucrative. It also keeps the pressure on the top brass to continue bankrolling training<br>seminars that ensure your cup keeps overflowing.<br>In such a competitive field, CAHN broke out of the gates early. One of their earliest<br>collaborative pieces involved a Vice story about an ex-member of the Reserves<br>accused of belonging to an armed neo-Nazi collective called The Base. The focus on<br>the military continued, with CAHN appearing to seize every opportunity to be<br>critical of how the CAF dealt with hate-related incidents. CAHN co-founder Bernie<br>Farber seldom missed a chance to point his critiques at CAF\u2019s Twitter accounts. His<br>hyperbolic tweets accused the CAF of \u201cfraternizing with known neo-Nazis\u201d,<br>attempting to \u201ccover it up\u201d, and \u201coffering up a proverbial slap on the wrist\u201d to<br>soldiers \u201cbelonging to the most violent hate groups on the continent\u201d.<br>Even as Farber\u2019s complaints mounted, a June 2020 article publicized that CAHN<br>Advisory Board member Barbara Perry, Director of the Centre on Hate, Bias and<br>Extremism at Ontario Tech University, had received $800,000 in funding from the<br>Department of National Defence, to \u201cdevelop a research-based network for<br>exploration of the far right and hateful conduct in the armed services.\u201d Her co-lead<br>on the project was David Hofmann from the University of New Brunswick, who<br>was widely quoted by CTV and other networks on Diagolon. (The RCMP found it<br>\u201cdifficult to understand\u201d how Hofmann could assuredly purport that Diagolon is<br>\u201can American-style militia movement.)<br>This was one of several grants Perry was awarded since hitching her wagon to<br>CAHN: $500,000 from Facebook to research \u201cviolent extremism\u201d, not long after a<br>2019 press release announced that Perry \/ OIT \u201creceived $366,985 over three years<br>from the Government of Canada to examine the right-wing extremism movement<br>through interviews with law enforcement, community anti-hate activists, and former<br>and current extremists.\u201d The OIT Centre was created in 2018 &#8211; coincidentally, the<br>same year CAHN was born. By the fall of 2022, Perry was appointed UNESCO\u2019s<br>Research Chair in Hate Studies. Not bad for someone who already earns an annual<br>salary of $203,859, according to Ontario\u2019s 2022 Sunshine list.<br>Along with the grants come paid speaking engagements, prestigious conferences,<br>fancy club invitations, townhalls, academic publications, and opportunities to garner<br>43<br>media publicity, such as meeting with the Prime Minister, which often leads to more<br>consulting contracts.<br>With such significant funds pouring in from different sources to research \u201cfar right<br>extremism\u201d, a cynic might speculate as to whether researchers could be getting paid<br>for what might be viewed, at least in part, as overlapping work. A cynic might also<br>question the narrative of full-service providers who get to define a problem and<br>supply the solutions to the same problem. But when it comes to the business of hate,<br>cynicism is in short supply.<br>The Public Safety grant was in partnership with the London, UK-based Institute for<br>Strategic Dialogue. Although the press release does not indicate if ISD received<br>additional funding, Elisa Hategan remembers a conversation over lunch with a<br>former inner-city gang member whom she\u2019d met during her stint as a consultant<br>with Against Violent Extremism (AVE), an ISD initiative involving former<br>extremists. This colleague claimed he\u2019d connected Perry with ISD, and shared details<br>of the proposal before it was submitted to Public Safety. From what Elisa recalls,<br>ISD was going for $7.5 million and had pitched, among other things, the creation of<br>learning modules on the far-right, but they needed a Canadian partner to access those<br>kinds of funds from Canadian taxpayers.<br>Elisa\u2019s AVE colleague then shared explosive details involving a high-profile<br>Canadian government official who had allegedly traveled to meet with ISD the<br>month before the grant was approved. \u201cWe were having a transatlantic conference<br>call, and that\u2019s when I heard [REDACTED] talking\u2014he was right there in their<br>London office, he flew all the way there to meet with them,\u201d her colleague had raved.<br>They\u2019d looked at each other in shock, and in that moment they both fell silent,<br>knowing exactly what that meant: there were very powerful forces at play.<br>That information could not be independently corroborated, but the news spurred<br>Elisa to also put together a team, complete with academic and law enforcement<br>experts from Ontario\u2019s Hate Crime Unit and submit a proposal for the same Public<br>Safety Community Resilience Fund. Knowing she was sure to lose if her bid went<br>up against Perry\u2019s, Elisa focused her proposal not on \u201cfar-right extremism\u201d, but on<br>LGBT youth and homophobic violence prevention in rural communities. It ticked<br>all the right boxes and her team\u2019s credentials seemed impeccable, but Elisa\u2019s proposal<br>was declined. She was perhaps too ahead of the curve.<br>When the Department of National Defence finally announced, in June 2021, the<br>creation of a panel that would address systemic racism and \u201cfocus on anti-<br>Indigenous and anti-Black racism, LGBTQ2 prejudice, gender bias and white<br>supremacy\u201d, Farber wasn\u2019t satisfied. After meeting with advisory panel officials who<br>informed him that antisemitism was not part of the focus, he was featured in an<br>44<br>Ottawa Citizen article where he complained it was \u201ca major oversight in the battle<br>against the far right.\u201d The article was followed by an indignant tweet: \u201cit baffles the<br>mind that antisemitism training would not even be considered.\u201d<br>In an increasingly polarized world that has seen a revival of century-old conspiracy<br>theories about Jewish cabals and blood sacrifices, antisemitism training is crucial to<br>combat hatred and stem violence. However, when there are huge sums of money at<br>play, it becomes equally necessary to have transparent procurement processes in<br>place, to ensure training budgets are allocated equitably.<br>In November 2022, a York Region District School Board purchase order was leaked,<br>which showed that Farber was awarded a YRDSB contract for $40,000 to conduct<br>a total of \u201c10 Antisemitism Professional Sessions\u201d &#8211; three in person, seven on Zoom.<br>There was no indication of duration; the sessions could have been an hour, or a half-<br>day. Bernie Farber did not respond to our request for comment.<br>When Elisa Hategan asked whether there had been a contractor bidding process, so<br>that consultants working in the same field (who could provide similar training at a<br>reduced rate) had the chance to bid, YRDSB ignored her. The Board\u2019s silence\u2014at a<br>time when they were cutting staff and eliminating student extracurricular activities\u2014<br>flew in the face of the YRDSB Purchase Services mandate, which promised they<br>were \u201caccountable, ethical and fiscally responsible in protecting public funds.\u201d<br>Elisa has a right to be upset. In February 2019, in a phone call with Cecil Roach,<br>YRDSB Associate Director of the Schools, Programs and Equitable Outcomes,<br>Roach acknowledged that Farber was someone he\u2019d known, and at times worked<br>with, since Farber\u2019s CJC days. Roach also admitted that Farber had been contracted<br>by their Equity &amp; Inclusion office on many occasions over the years He would not<br>say why the YRDSB didn\u2019t appear to open bids to other consultants who could offer<br>similar training for far less. Elisa followed up with an email outlining her concerns<br>over cronyism; her email went unanswered.<br>The irony was not lost on her. Back in 2015, when she was still on good terms with<br>Farber, Elisa\u2014who formally converted to Judaism in 2013\u2014pleaded with him to<br>help her fundraise for a book project that involved traveling to Romania to dig into<br>her deceased father\u2019s Jewish past. \u201cSorry to be begging for money, but I wouldn\u2019t<br>ask if it wasn\u2019t absolutely necessary,\u201d she wrote on Facebook Messenger. \u201cEven a<br>single dollar will help. Even a share of my link on your wall. Please consider it.\u201d<br>Farber\u2019s reply: \u201cElisa I have made it a rule not to allow my social media to be used<br>for fundraising other than registered charities. If I break the rules for one I d (sic)<br>must do so for all. I hope you understand\u201d. Elisa was hurt: \u201cI understand very well.<br>I think I understand you more now than I ever have before.\u201d<br>45<br>She was wrong on that count. The trip to eastern Europe, paid for with borrowed<br>money and a $12,000 Ontario Arts Council writing grant, uncovered new familial<br>connections. But it was not until December 2020 when, after uploading her family<br>tree to genealogical website Geni\u2019s ancestry network, the final jigsaw piece fell into<br>place: she and Farber were distantly related.<br>Bias on Their Sleeves<br>In April 2022, as he and fellow CAHN Board member Barbara Perry appeared<br>before a House of Commons Standing Committee on Public Safety and National<br>Security, CAHN Executive Director Evan Balgord was asked what seemed, on the<br>surface, a simple question:<br>\u201cMr. Balgord, would you say that your organization is an objective organization?\u201d<br>\u201cWe wear our biases on our sleeves,\u201d Balgord replied. \u201cWe are very proudly anti-<br>fascist, and we focus on the far right.\u201d<br>While some might take issue with CAHN\u2019s single-minded obsession with the far<br>right and argue that a group calling itself \u201canti-hate\u201d should track hatred from all<br>sides, choosing to focus exclusively on one extreme end of the political spectrum<br>isn\u2019t the problem. It&#8217;s how one defines \u201cfar right\u201d that\u2019s being contested.<br>CAHN Chair Bernie Farber is assumed to be an untainted resource of information<br>on what constitutes \u201chate\u201d, yet he often makes negative or inflammatory comments<br>about political candidates to the right of the Liberal party. His adversarial<br>relationship with the Conservative Party poses another possible conflict of interest.<br>Farber\u2019s connection to the Liberal Party goes back decades and is no secret. In 2011,<br>he ran a failed campaign for a Liberal seat in his home riding of Thornhill, and was<br>defeated by PC Candidate Peter Shurman.<br>Proximity to State Power<br>The fact that Farber has been repeatedly contracted to train police officers across<br>the province about extremism in North America, shows how easily CAHN is able<br>to shape not only public sentiment, but also law enforcement targeting.<br>Bernie Farber has had meetings with Public Safety ministers Ralph Goodale and<br>Marco Mendicino, as well as other influential figures.<br>A November 19, 2021, tweet by Farber reveals that CAHN prides itself on being<br>able to \u201cguide public discourse on the state of hate in the country.\u201d Given that such<br>a position carries with it the risk that it could be used for unethical purposes, one<br>hopes that persons with half the authority Farber commands would be more closely<br>scrutinized. However, despite financial conflicts of interest in the sector, accusations<br>46<br>of misinformation, friendships with former CSIS employees, and the inclusion of an<br>individual with a history of running election war rooms and disinformation<br>campaigns for hire into CAHN\u2019s Advisory board, this has not been the case.<br>Like the saying goes, with great power comes great responsibility.<br>When you have what could be considered a monopoly on the mainstream media\u2019s<br>understanding of far-right extremism and the very definition of hate, you gain the<br>keys to a kingdom.<br>You hold the power to shape the prevalent narrative<br>and manipulate said media to report your version of<br>truth, with very little, if any, scrutiny of allegations<br>made, or opposition.<br>But without scrutiny, it can be incredibly tempting<br>to abuse that authority and legitimacy. One way you<br>can eliminate all obstacles standing between you<br>and a pedestal is to discredit anyone who questions<br>your legitimacy. Tearing others down from hard-<br>won pedestals and inserting yourself in their place,<br>is another.<br>Civilian Undercover Operations<br>Here is an actual CAHN job description \/ casting call for people to play neo-Nazis<br>\u201cunder assumed identities\u201d:<br>47<br>Whose bright idea was it to advertise an undercover operation?<br>Fun fact: recruiting people to cosplay as Nazis for a salary of $55,000 per year is<br>more than Grant Bristow was paid annually for his agent provocateur work, even<br>when adjusting for inflation.<br>It is also $5,000 more per year than Jeremy earned in Afghanistan, risking his life for<br>his country.<br>CAHN founder Richard Warman is perhaps best known for going undercover using<br>anonymous accounts to infiltrate far-right corners of the internet. He made prolific<br>use of the now-repealed Section 13(1) of the Canada Human Rights Act, winning ten<br>cases before the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal (CHRT).<br>The Supreme Court of Canada endorsed the \u201challmarks of hate\u201d enumerated<br>in Warman v. Kouba as examples of the types of \u201cextreme and egregious\u201d expressions<br>and speech devices that reach the contemplated threshold of \u201chatred\u201d.<br>However, in Warman v Ouwendyk, the CHRT ruled that Warman\u2019s posts, which he<br>initially denied were his, could have precipitated further hate messages from forum<br>members, describing this as \u201cboth disappointing and disturbing and it diminishes his<br>credibility.\u201d Warman maintains his posts helped him identify neo-Nazis, and says<br>there was no \u201croad map\u201d for such investigations.<br>\u201cWith hindsight, he told the Ottawa Citizen in 2009, &#8220;things might have been done<br>differently today.\u201d<br>The Spy Who Got Left Out in the Cold<br>Critics who distrust CAHN\u2019s claim of expertise on far-right extremism will cite a<br>noticeable double standard\u2014the penchant to reserve the brunt of condemnations<br>for political opponents, while overlooking and even forgiving misconduct by peers<br>48<br>and members of their devoted fanbase. They point to situations where CAHN<br>implies they are selective when choosing who gets publicly denounced as a bigot or<br>extremist, and who is ignored.<br>For instance, relative unknowns get spotlighted and called heroes, even when there<br>is no evidence to suggest they did anything to earn the accolades. To our knowledge,<br>none of the former white supremacists promotes by CAHN has provided evidence<br>of assistance to law enforcement organizations while still inside their hate groups.<br>None testified against former comrades to help secure convictions.<br>There is arguably no better example to underscore concerns over CAHN\u2019s personal<br>biases affecting what is purported to be expert research, than the enduring friendship<br>between Bernie Farber and Grant Bristow, the undisputed co-founder and self-<br>appointed \u201cIntelligence Chief\u201d of the Heritage Front.<br>Prior to her defection from the Heritage Front, Elisa Hategan submitted<br>approximately 30 affidavits to the Ontario Provincial Police. Several involved<br>situations where Bristow purportedly counseled Elisa\u2014initially still a minor\u2014to<br>engage in criminal activity, such as giving her instructions on how to anonymously<br>harass and intimidate left-wing activists, hack into answering machines to collect<br>data, and spy on the Irish Freedom Association of Toronto.<br>She, along with scores of neo-Nazi skinheads and white supremacists, were given<br>names, addresses and telephone numbers and taught how to use voter registry<br>information to gather details about individuals on the target list, such as the names<br>of everyone residing at that domicile.<br>Bristow also boasted about his intention to drive a lesbian Anti-Racist Action (ARA)<br>activist to mental breakdown and suicide. \u201cI want to pound Ruth\u2019s head in. I want<br>to give her a facial massage with a sledgehammer,\u201d he is described as saying in one<br>of Elisa\u2019s 1994 affidavits. He enlisted Elisa specifically because he needed a woman\u2019s<br>voice for that particular job\u2014to record messages on adult personal ads while passing<br>as Ruth, and give out her address and telephone number.<br>Reluctant to obey his instructions, Elisa had asked him why he was so invested in<br>targeting Ruth and other young women in the ARA. Bristow looked at her and<br>laughed. \u201cWomen are more emotional. They\u2019re the first to break.\u201d<br>It was this specific targeting of an innocent woman who shared Elisa\u2019s sexual<br>orientation that marked a crucial turning point in her beginning to identify with \u201cthe<br>other side\u201d and starting to spy on the Front. After her defection, her four month-<br>long sleuthing uncovered the identity of a Toronto Police Services officer who was<br>a Front member and attended KKK rallies in Arkansas; this information led to<br>discreditable conduct charges. She also exposed a scandal involving Heritage Front<br>49<br>members infiltrating the Preston Manning\u2019s Reform Party in the hopes of overtaking<br>the leadership. Furthermore, she confirmed that the Front was involved in a<br>Kitchener firebombing, although the specific details of the action had not been<br>shared with her.<br>Elisa also volunteered to appear as a witness for the defence in the case of a black<br>woman who had been a staff member at Runnymede House, a Toronto group home<br>for teen girls that was firebombed twice after a resident with ties to the HF was<br>kicked out for displaying hate content in the home. After the staff member was<br>stalked, then sexually assaulted by a possible Front member, she reported her assault<br>only to be charged with mischief afterwards because Toronto police did not believe<br>her. On the morning that her lawyer Clayton Ruby announced Elisa as a witness, the<br>prosecution dropped the charges.<br>After Bristow was unmasked as a CSIS operative,<br>Clayton Ruby published an op-ed in the Toronto<br>Star which cited Elisa, and criticized the Security<br>Intelligence Review Committee (SIRC) for<br>allowing Bristow to terrorize with impunity. He<br>wrote a second column, specifically about Elisa,<br>praising her courage and demanding to know why<br>authorities had not prosecuted HF leader<br>Wolfgang Droege based on her solid information.<br>Clayton Ruby wrote: \u201cWhat is Elisse Hategan?<br>Chopped liver? Hategan is credible. She testified before Madame Tremblay-Lamer<br>in the Federal Court of Canada in the course of a contempt hearing against Wolfgang<br>Droege and Gary Schipper. Justice Tremblay-Lamer explicitly accepted her evidence<br>as credible and ultimately sent these men to jail.\u201d<br>In 1995, Elisa testified in front of a House of Commons Senate committee<br>investigating allegations that the SIRC Report had whitewashed Bristow\u2019s criminal<br>involvement. Her affidavits, which were subsequently shared with Farber, captured<br>the explicit details of Bristow\u2019s hands-on role in directing skinheads to target anti-<br>racist activists for harassment and threats in what became known as the \u201cIt<br>Campaign\u201d. Some of the victims, including ARA leader Kevin Thomas, shared their<br>harrowing experiences and how Bristow appeared to relish the abuse, in a 1994 Fifth<br>Estate episode titled Good for Business.<br>In private conversations with Elisa, Farber never disputed Grant Bristow\u2019s actions<br>within the Heritage Front. He called him a \u201cschmuck\u201d and openly praised Race<br>Traitor, going so far as taking Elisa to lunch in 2014, soon after her book\u2019s release.<br>He also emailed an unreserved endorsement of the memoir to one of his<br>50<br>connections, a senior editor at Random House, after Elisa suggested that if he could<br>help her secure a print deal, he could write the Foreword.<br>Their budding friendship would not last. In early 2015, soon after Elisa discovered<br>that her lived experiences had been appropriated and reenacted without her consent<br>to form the bulk of CBC\u2019s White Lies, she confronted Farber. They had a terse<br>meeting at his office. At the time, Farber was with Gemini Power Group, a company<br>created by his friend, billionaire Michael Dan, that sought to partner with Indigenous<br>communities to build power plants on reserves.<br>\u201cIt\u2019s been so long, what do you want? Money?\u201d she recalls Farber asking as she<br>walked in. Elisa didn\u2019t want money\u2014all she asked was that Farber reach out to White<br>Lies scriptwriter and CBC producer Dennis Foon, a Facebook friend of his, to add<br>a line to his website and the film\u2019s IMDB page crediting her as an inspiration.<br>A single line\u2014to her, a gesture that she existed, that her trauma had not been<br>exploited and monetized by others to make a movie that would not have existed<br>without her, while she was homeless and dumpster-diving to survive.<br>\u201cI\u2019ll get Dennis on the phone,\u201d Farber reassured her. But nothing changed.<br>In 2017, within one month of Elisa starting a speaking tour billed as \u201cThe True Story<br>of Canadian Intelligence\u2019s Greatest Cover-up\u201d, the Toronto Star published a front-<br>page article about Bristow by Jennifer Yang, a journalist who has interviewed Farber<br>on multiple occasions. Yang\u2019s piece significantly downplayed, and at times omitted,<br>Bristow\u2019s most egregious actions as Heritage Front co-leader, framing him as an<br>imperfect hero. Bristow\u2019s name had not appeared in the press for many years; for<br>Elisa, the timing was too much of a coincidence.<br>Although the Toronto Star\u2019s IP was captured by tracking software on Elisa\u2019s blog<br>within two weeks of her fundraising talk for the international Jewish women\u2019s<br>organization Hadassah-WIZO, lingering repeatedly over several posts citing Bristow<br>and criminal activity, no journalist reached out for comments. Instead, when the<br>article came out, Bernie Farber\u2019s endorsement of Bristow was front and center: \u201cHe<br>was actually a man who wanted to do something real good for his country,\u201d he said.<br>Admitting he still considers Bristow \u201ca friend\u201d, Farber claimed that Bristow had<br>averted a plot on his life. Elisa denies such a plot ever existed, and points to the fact<br>that nobody was ever charged or prosecuted.<br>But for the sake of playing devil\u2019s advocate\u2014even if there had been a nefarious plot<br>against Farber, that does not in itself justify the glowing endorsement of a man who,<br>according to the SIRC\u2019s sanitized report, \u201ctested the limits of what was acceptable.\u201d<br>51<br>Bristow\u2019s unsubstantiated tip about a possible attack on Farber conveniently seemed<br>to come to light after he had been outed and was already under fire for allegedly<br>directing skinheads to commit illegal acts that fanned flames of hate in this country.<br>And what about all the other people who came into Bristow\u2019s crossfire? Are they all<br>collateral damage? Is an \u201cEnd justifies the means\u201d strategy all that matters?<br>How many others, like Jeremy Mackenzie, have been crucified by CAHN and its<br>predecessor ARC, for far lesser sins than what Bristow got away with? How many<br>have been unjustly smeared as \u201cNazis\u201d, while CAHN\u2019s Chair boasts openly of his<br>friendship with a former leader of Canada\u2019s most dangerous neo-Nazi domestic<br>terrorist group in modern history? Why the double standard?<br>After Farber\u2019s comments on The Agenda with<br>Steve Paikin downplaying her singular<br>contributions to destroy the Heritage Front,<br>Elisa felt she had no choice but to engage in<br>litigation. In her mind, it was a battle for her<br>life &#8211; for the integrity of her lived experiences<br>and her right to be the only person to profit<br>from her own traumatic past. Others saw a<br>former neo-Nazi who had once been called a<br>\u201cwretched little immigrant girl\u201d by one of the<br>litigants, go up against the former CEO of the<br>Canadian Jewish Congress, a well-connected<br>man who had provided expert witness to the<br>courts on countless occasions &#8211; and laughed.<br>Elisa was outmatched financially in the protracted court battle, spending<br>approximately $50,000 up against $300,000 according to legal documents. She lost<br>her right to appeal (purportedly due to time delays), leaving in place a ruling that<br>takes most of its verbiage directly from the defendants\u2019 harshly worded written<br>submissions with minimal accompanying analysis, and a permanent prohibition on<br>speaking about the case, at risk of contempt.<br>Forbidden from sharing what she considers incontrovertible evidence that would<br>exonerate her, she silently faced an onslaught of harassment from taunting CAHN<br>supporters who mocked her loss, her Romanian surname (calling her HateAgain),<br>and characterized her as a \u201cvexatious liar\u201d and Nazi.<br>Elisa then discovered that Farber, Bristow, and Bristow\u2019s former CSIS handler, now<br>operating a \u201cPublic Safety and Risk Consulting\u201d group, were all mutual Twitter<br>followers. Indeed, Bristow\u2019s ex-handler was among the first to retweet celebratory<br>52<br>posts about Elisa\u2019s loss. It was a visceral gut punch for Elisa, who remembered CSIS<br>sources shared with the Fifth Estate that after she told the truth about Bristow, his<br>livid handler\u2019s first reaction was, \u201cWe\u2019ll tear her to shreds.\u201d<br>Thirty years later, CSIS\u2019 narrative had won out.<br>53<br>Top Shocking FOIPOP Revelations<br>Information-Sharing with Five Eyes<br>The Five Eyes (FVEY) is an intelligence alliance comprising Australia, Canada, New<br>Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. On April 7, 2022, an email<br>lands in the inbox of Washington-based RCMP officer Sean Gordon. The subject<br>line: \u201cRESTRICTED Canadian Protests &#8211; eDiagolon.\u201d The Sender\u2019s name is<br>redacted from the correspondence, but the domain is @Police.Govt.NZ. The<br>message has been redacted as well; all that is visible is the greeting, \u201cHi Sean\u201d.<br>Seven minutes later, Sean sends it up the food chain to Guillaume Croisetiere.<br>\u201cCould you please reach out to FPNS for this? There must be an analyst with us (or<br>maybe OPS?) that has looked into this group.\u201d<br>Sean\u2019s reference to Diagolon as \u201cthis group\u201d indicates some level of unfamiliarity.<br>Still, New Zealand police wants intel for their files, so let\u2019s give them what they need.<br>A couple of minutes after that, Guillaume forwards it to Alvin Tang: \u201cWould you<br>be able to assist me with that? It\u2019s from New Zealand. I\u2019ll double back with FPNS<br>once I hear from you.\u201d<br>Alvin\u2019s reply comes promptly. \u201cI reached out to our IMCIT team (Ideologically<br>Motivated Criminal Intel) and they did not work that group during the convoy<br>protests. It\u2019s my understanding that FPNS had visibility on that group.\u201d<br>Shortly afterwards, Guillaume emails Eliane Caron, Director of Ops Team 2, Federal<br>Policing National Security (FNPS), saying he was referred to her by Alvin. Parts of<br>his message are redacted. Her reply, dated the morning of April 8, is as follows:<br>Yes, all information sharing in relation to operations and NS-related<br>groups nationally is covered by FNPS. I\u2019ve looped in Insp. Simon Pillay<br>and A.Insp J-S Grenier who are the project Team OICs to assist with any<br>discussions your NZ LO may wish to have on Diagolon. We do not<br>consider it a right wing militia group at this time however<br>assessment is ongoing as I understand it. [Emphasis added]<br>Also on April 8, Inspector Simon Pillay emails Lisa Ducharme to request a report<br>that describes what is currently known about Diagolon.<br>We understand your group has a Diagolon work up of some kind. Not<br>the association chart but rather a report that describes what is currently<br>known. The reason I ask is that due to the media attention this group<br>has incurred, NZ authorities are asking if we have any information<br>we can share. [Emphasis added]<br>54<br>Let this sink in: CAHN\u2019s fabrications about<br>Diagolon, parroted by a gullible Canadian press, then<br>get picked up by international intelligence agencies,<br>who demanded access to the intel files. Trouble was,<br>there was nothing the RCMP could provide other<br>than perhaps a vague \u201cassociation chart\u201d.<br>Inspector Simon Pillay\u2019s statement makes it clear that<br>Jeremy Mackenzie\u2019s information ended up circulated<br>to international police agencies because of<br>mainstream media attention, and not because police<br>had classified Diagolon as a \u201cright wing militia\u201d.<br>Police took their cues from media who cited CAHN.<br>As he\u2019s waiting for Lisa to get back to him, Simon keeps Guillaume in the loop with<br>a quick note on April 9: \u201cAs this is a fairly new matter we don\u2019t have any products<br>ready for international dissemination but I am making some inquiries elsewhere and<br>will get back to you when I hear.\u201d<br>On April 11, Lisa Ducharme replies to Simon: \u201cYes our IMCIT team recently<br>completed a written assessment on Diagolon for OA; it\u2019s based on open source<br>material so it should not be a problem to share with our FVEY partners. It\u2019s in the<br>final quality control stage &#8211; can we get it to you once completed? Should not take<br>too much longer.\u201d<br>In case you didn\u2019t catch that, \u201copen source material\u201d is whatever they scrap from<br>the broadcast media news channels, newspapers, even dubious intel sourced from<br>anonymous Twitter accounts. In other words, it is not intelligence derived from<br>actual police investigations.<br>On April 12, Guillaume writes back, undeterred. Reading between his words, it<br>appears the New Zealanders are pushing for the information: \u201cWho can I refer the<br>NS LO to at FNPS to discuss? Or do you want to keep [Washington-based] Sean<br>Gordon as the middle man?\u201d<br>A couple of email exchanges establish go-to contacts, then Guillaume emails Simon<br>Pillay, Mike Saghbini, and Jean-Sebastien Grenier: \u201cGents. Hope all is well. As<br>mentioned earlier last week The NZ LO in DC is asking (see below) for more<br>information on the group a\/n. I would need a contact at FNPS that I can pass on<br>to my LO in DC (Sean GORDON).\u201d<br>On April 14, Mike Saghbini emails Simon and JS: \u201cHey boys. Have you replied to<br>Guillaume? Will you be directing him in the right direction?\u201d The following sentence<br>is REDACTED, with Mike adding \u201cMy two cents\u201d at the end.<br>55<br>Clearly, those who directed Guillaume were under the impression that \u201cthe boys\u201d<br>had the intel NZ was itching to obtain. This does not appear to be the case.<br>Everyone does the prudent thing: nothing. Until May 12, when Lisa Ducharme<br>receives an email from Washington-based RCMP officer Sean Gordon, titled<br>\u201cRESTRICTED Canadian protests &#8211; Diagolon.\u201d<br>Hi Lisa,<br>I\u2019m finally catching up with some old emails from a bunch of<br>leave\/COVID\/travels.<br>I\u2019m just curious whether the Diagolon product is finished? If so, can I get a copy<br>that can be shared with a FVEY (New Zealand) partner?<br>The next morning, Lisa emails Ashley Chen: \u201cWould you know how the Diagolon<br>paper is doing? Can I get an ETA for review? I\u2019m hoping to see it Monday.\u201d<br>Ashley replies within the hour: \u201cThe DIAGOLON paper has been completed by<br>Kandi\u2019s side of IMCIT (please see attached). This version is Pro B and I will discuss<br>with Garrett about making a FVEY shareable version for next week.\u201d<br>Eight days later, on the morning of May 20, 2022, an email from Ashley Chen went<br>out to Eliane Caron, cc\u2019ing Garrett Morawiec, containing an attached document.<br>The subject line was \u201cIMCIT DIAGOLON Assessment Paper.<br>As was the case with most of the attachments contained in RCMP emails, the<br>FOIPOP Package does not include the attachment.<br>Good morning, Eliane, I hope you are doing well.<br>Please find attached the Intelligence Assessment on DIAGOLON<br>produced by IMCIT for FPNS. would you mind reviewing and<br>confirming whether this product can be released to RCMP<br>DCAS\/DIOs as well as external partners in Public Safety, PCO, CSIS,<br>ITAC, CBSA, DND\/CAF, and CSE? IMCIT would also wish to share<br>it with Five Eyes law enforcement partners.<br>For the version shared outside of RCMP, IMCIT will remove the<br>following sentence on Page 2 in the PURPOSE section: \u201cThis paper has<br>been produced in response to a Federal Policing National Security<br>(FPNS) request for an intelligence assessment on DIAGOLON.<br>If you have any questions please feel free to reach out or give me a call.<br>Thank you,<br>Ashley Chen<br>56<br>At 3:24 PM that same afternoon, Lisa Ducharme emails Ashley Chen:<br>Hi Ashley,<br>Have you heard anything back from Eliane on whether we can share the<br>DIAGOLON product with the Divs, GoC, Five Eyes?<br>Reason I ask is &#8211; Sean Gordon LO Washington is waiting to share it with<br>the US.<br>Ten minutes later, Ashley writes back:<br>Hi Lisa,<br>I have not heard back from Eliane or anyone from FPNS about the<br>product. I can send a heads up to her to let her know LO Washington is<br>waiting for the product.<br>Exactly one minute later, Lisa replies: \u201cPlease &#8211; we\u2019d like to at least get it out to the<br>Five Eyes today as [REDACTED].\u201d<br>Just to reiterate the facts: as of April 8, 2022, according to a FNPS Director,<br>Diagolon was not classified as a \u201cright wing militia group.\u201d Over a month later,<br>RCMP was intent on sharing intelligence reports to international spy agencies,<br>presumably including information about the purported leader who happens to be a<br>Canadian citizen war veteran with no criminal record and no history of terrorism.<br>Since the report was redacted, there is no way for us to know what was said. But if<br>the repetition in other documents is any indication, the material shared may affect<br>innocent Canadians as far as crossing international borders and prompting additional<br>surveillance. This, based on salacious headlines and clickbait reporting.<br>What if that was you?<br>This is a chain of events that shows, in real time, how Canadian media\u2019s hype about<br>an imaginary nation posing an imaginary threat, ended up disseminated across the<br>globe. And when international intelligence agencies came knocking for the intel they<br>assumed was in the RCMP\u2019s possession, the RCMP acquiesced and produced a<br>report based on \u201copen source\u201d material they gleaned, in essence, from the Canadian<br>Anti-Hate Network, with sycophants in Canadian media as their proxy.<br>Privacy lawyer David Fraser (who did not review any documents related to this<br>matter) says that any personal information related to a Canadian citizen in the hands<br>of the federal government is protected by Canada\u2019s Privacy Act, even where the data<br>is collected through open source intelligence. However, he notes that police are<br>generally unrestrained in sharing information with other law enforcement. There are<br>57<br>formal mutual assistance treaties that may apply to cross-border information sharing,<br>and more casual exchanges of information.<br>\u201cIt is difficult to say whether it crossed any lines, or if there is an approval process,\u201d<br>Fraser says. He adds that information obtained with a warrant, such as wiretaps,<br>would likely require additional diligence and scrutiny.<br>Is ambiguity an acceptable standard for intelligence agencies? What could justify<br>sharing prejudicial non-information with foreign spy agencies? Jeremy MacKenzie<br>has no criminal record. Why did nobody approach him directly to investigate?<br>Copy-and-Paste Policing: The 15-Minute Report<br>An email thread dated February 14, 2022, titled \u201cUrgent WHAT WE NEED\u201d<br>culminates in the RCMP compiling a key briefing for top officials in only fifteen<br>minutes. The report was sent to Adriana Poloz, Executive Director, Intelligence and<br>International Policing, RCMP, and lists Diagolon among Ideologically-Motivated<br>Violent Extremists (IMVE) adherents, along with Three Percenters and Canada<br>First.<br>Short-turnaround projects are not uncommon in fast-paced, high stakes work<br>environments. What makes this insidious is the incomplete analysis. Diagolon is<br>described as a \u201cmeme-based and satirical movement.\u201d Furthermore, it is said that<br>Diagolon \u201cadherents express desires to form a country based on right-leaning<br>Canadian provinces and US states.\u201d A high-level official reading this assessment<br>might easily conclude that a real threat to territorial sovereignty exists and should be<br>taken seriously because Diagolon operates \u201cunder the guise of humour\u201d to conceal<br>its real intentions. The perception of threat outpaces any actual danger. In this way,<br>alarmism was passed up the chain of command amid the turbulence of the convoy.<br>The response comes after a rush-order request from Poloz, which is not included in<br>the FOI disclosure, to which Lisa Ducharme answers: \u201cWill do our best but this is<br>quite a lot of analysis and writing to do in 15 minutes.\u201d<br>Fortunately, Ashley Chen\u2014with Ducharme providing auxiliary cut-and-paste<br>assistance\u2014saves the day and delivers one for the team. Ducharme rushes it over to<br>Poloz, who responds by thanking everyone: \u201cthe effort and professionalism<br>demonstrated by you and your team has been outstanding.\u201d<br>An email titled \u201cKudos to Ashley\u201d, in which a gushing Lisa Ducharme commends<br>Ashley on the huge impact the fifteen-minute hatchet job will have on top brass<br>decision-making:<br>58<br>WELL DONE ASHLEY!! Talk about an amazing intelligence \u2018pull it<br>together in 15 minutes\u2019 assessment! Thank you so much.<br>Your work has been shared at the highest level over at PCO. This request<br>originated from a pressing tasking from the National Security and<br>Intelligence Advisor for such information to help inform senior<br>government decision-making.<br>Talk about work impact! Well done Ashley, and thank you again for the<br>outstanding work.<br>Best regards,<br>Lisa<br>The pressure to expedite such a significant assessment, one intended to inform<br>senior government decision-making, is counterproductive. It virtually guarantees<br>there is no time to review updates or fact-check new information.<br>We have no doubt that the team did their best to meet the rushed deadline, under<br>the circumstances. But to do so, they were forced to rely on the same old, erroneous<br>content sourced through the broken telephone chain of broadcast media, from a<br>single apparatus pumping out inaccurate and alarmist statements to maintain a<br>foothold in the highly lucrative, competitive market of hate group expertise.<br>The Mendicino Scandal<br>Among the most egregious examples of overreach that we uncovered in the<br>FOIPOP packages, the shocking incident described in an email thread dated<br>February 16, 2022, stands out. Both for the gravity of what went transpired, and the<br>heedless way in which a man\u2019s reputation was judged expendable.<br>Around 3:30 PM, an email from RCMP officer Lisa McDonald-Bourg landed in her<br>colleague Leslie Sohm\u2019s inbox. The subject line: \u201cprotests and far-right groups &#8211;<br>Michael Talbot &#8211; CityNews. Importance: High.\u201d<br>Hi Leslie,<br>We just received another request for the remarks made by Mendicino re:<br>far-right extremism.<br>Deadline: ASAP<br>Again, I\u2019m looking for your advice on this.<br>Thanks,<br>Lisa<br>59<br>Request:<br>During a news conference today, Minister of public safety Marco<br>Mendicino said the following:<br>\u201cSeveral individuals at Coutts have strong ties to a far right<br>organization with leaders who are in Ottawa\u201d.<br>When pressed further, he advised media to direct questions to<br>law enforcement.<br>A few questions then:<\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n<ul><li>Can the RCMP confirm a link between the individuals arrested<br>at Coutts and members of the Ottawa protests?<\/li><li>Does the far-right group the Minister referred to have a name?<br>Can you provide any info on this group?<br>Any other info on this statement made by the Minister would be<br>appreciated.\u201d<br>A flurry of emails between RCMP officers followed. Leslie Sohm forwarded the<br>request to Inspectors Mike Saghbini, Simon Pillay, and cc\u2019d Lisa McDonald-Bourg.<br>Hi guys,<br>Media request related to the Minister\u2019s recent statements about the<br>protests.<br>I am not in a position to guide Lisa on the appropriate response to either<br>of the questions posed by the reporter &#8211; if in fact we are even in a<br>position to respond.<br>Can you please assist and if these questions we are not in a position to<br>respond to (as in we don\u2019t have the knowledge) please advise.<br>Thank you!<br>Inspector Saghbini\u2019s instinct was to leave the whole thing alone. He covered for the<br>lack of knowledge by suggesting they ignore the query and get on with their day.<br>Hi Leslie\/Lisa,<br>I don\u2019t think we at FPNS should be responding to this. It\u2019s an ongoing investigation.<br>Undeterred, Leslie pressed Mike further, insisting some kind of response was<br>necessary. Remember, other media requests had already come in, and the pressure<br>was starting to weigh heavily.<br>60<br>We have to provide a response &#8211; what it will say, still remains to be<br>seen and this is where Lisa needs some assistance.<br>Leslie offered Lisa a helpful hint as to where she can look to \u201cfind\u201d the needed<br>evidence to back up Mendicino.<br>Lisa &#8211; if you want to start crafting from your standing \u201congoing<br>investigation\u201d lines and the IMVE standing lines, that should give us<br>something to work with.<br>Give us something to work with. Let that sink in.<br>Inspector Simon Pillay finally weighed in with a solution:<br>\u201cI [\u2026] think we could acknowledge what is already publicly available.<\/li><li>Adherents of ideologically motivated violent extremism often share<br>terms, symbols and concepts including fluid and unspecific anti-<br>government sentiments.<\/li><li>Symbols linked to the \u201cDiagolon\u201d ideology were found among exhibits<br>in the Coutts file.<\/li><li>Already made public so this info is open source:<br>He provides a hyperlink to a globalnews.ca article that had come out just a day earlier,<br>titled \u201cAnti-hate experts concerned about possible neo-fascist involvement at<br>Alberta trucker convoy\u201d.<br>The Global News article relies heavily on quotes from \u201canti-hate expert\u201d and CAHN<br>deputy director \u201cElizabeth Simons\u201d, whose credentials cannot be verified. All we<br>can say about Simons is that she is likely a female, going by the voice. We were not<br>able to find any records of her appearing in person or on camera.<br>We cannot verify that the moniker isn\u2019t shared by multiple individuals in CAHN.<br>Given Kurt Phillips\u2019 predilection to adopt both male and female personas while<br>cyber-sleuthing, is it really outside the realm of possibility that several CAHN<br>employees are running \u201cElizabeth Simons\u201d as another \u201cAnya\u201d \u2013 a disposable NPC-<br>like character to be scrapped at the first whiff of a defamation lawsuit.<br>You can\u2019t serve someone if they don\u2019t exist.<br>Inspector Pillay added: \u201cMy two cents but nothing in the above could hurt a criminal<br>investigation as long as don\u2019t get into the weeds about the Coutts file.\u201d<br>He couldn\u2019t be more wrong. He forgot that there was one other person in this<br>equation \u2013 a man who had nothing to do with what happened in Coutts, but was<br>about to be hurt. All because of the carelessness of a Public Safety Minister who<br>61<br>made irresponsible comments during a press conference and, when pressed for<br>details by reporters, directed media inquiries to the RCMP.<br>Jeremy Mackenzie, Public Boogeyman Number One, is in the process of having his<br>life destroyed by a repeated, reprehensible association to four men on the other side<br>of the country, only one of whom he\u2019d met in a group setting, and only twice. All<br>because a patch that replicated his imaginary nation\u2019s make-believe flag, but wasn\u2019t<br>manufactured or sold by him, had been stuck on body armour, along with other<br>patches indicating affiliations with other groups.<br>None of the other patches got media attention.<br>Indeed, only one set of patches looked like it could be linked to someone who had<br>been in Ottawa during the Freedom Convoy. So that\u2019s who they pinned it on.<br>Forced to scramble and invent a story to cover for Mendicino\u2019s recklessness, a team<br>of stressed RCMP staff googled news media articles to quote right back to news<br>media, in order to cover for their own lack of knowledge in the matter. By doing so,<br>they circulated a version of reality that might have been amplified by other journalists<br>who continued this infernal game of broken telephone.<br>A game of broken telephone that goes all the way back to 2008, to the shady tactics<br>of an anonymous account created by an untrained, lonely, middle-aged school-<br>teacher in a small Alberta town, who spent nearly all his spare time online cosplaying<br>as an armchair Nazi-hunter.<br>For this \u2013 for Marco Mendicino, for Kurt Phillips, for Bernie Farber, for the sake of<br>saving their own face \u2013 the RCMP offered up Jeremy, a decorated combat veteran<br>with no criminal record and no history of terrorist behaviour, as a sacrificial lamb.<br>In a world where the weight of truth depends on the perceived worth of those who<br>speak it, this is a tragic testament to how the lives of those most powerless and<br>unconnected, can be destroyed on a dime.<br>Overreliance on Media by Law Enforcement<br>The FOIPOP documents heavily suggest that RCMP intelligence takes their cues<br>from the press, relying on second-hand information rather than presenting as the<br>originating source of information distributed to the press. One wonders how much<br>of their \u201cintel\u201d simply consists of scouring daily news and disseminating it through<br>regular \u201cMEDIA SCAN\u201d emails.<br>The Canadian press, for their part, typically churn out reporting that fits into an<br>exceedingly short time slot. That is the nature of their work. There is no time to<br>inject nuance and qualifiers when the segment on \u201cfar right extremism\u201d is only four-<br>62<br>minutes long and the goal is to grab as many eyeballs as possible. Polarization sells;<br>oversimplified platitudes are geared to the lowest denominator. Trading on pearl-<br>clutching and scary speculations is how they pay the rent.<br>You could be working for the most prestigious intelligence agency in Canada, with<br>an ivy-league pedigree and a fancy job title in your signature line. But if you get the<br>bulk of your intel from the six o\u2019clock news, and the twentysomething intern tasked<br>to line up interviews routinely taps a single source for \u201cexpert\u201d soundbites because<br>everybody else is doing it, what\u2019s the point?<br>The FOIPOP files we reviewed contained an email with an attached report on<br>\u201cAccelerationism\u201d. The email sender was forwarding the report to an RCMP<br>colleague, saying they\u2019d received it from an academic who presented it at a \u201cCSIS<br>Expert Briefing\u201d on the topic. The sender made the casual observation that the<br>\u201cexpert\u201d making the presentation had appeared \u201cill-informed\u201d.<br>To a cynic, the concept of \u201caccelerationism\u201d may sound like the kind academic<br>gibberish slapped together to secure a million-dollar defence contract or garner<br>positive peer-reviews for a publication. If the so-called expert CSIS hired to train<br>agents on \u201caccelerationism\u201d can\u2019t bluff their way through the concept without<br>sounding \u201cill-informed\u201d to people who don\u2019t even know the subject, what hope is<br>there for the future of \u201ccountering violent extremism?\u201d<br>A Filtered Version of Truth<br>Media sources should never be considered standalone reliable open sources by<br>intelligence services. What viewers get is not absolute truth, but information that<br>may or may not be accurate, which has been filtered through an editorial lens. That<br>lens is invariably primed to favour some stories, and some people, more than others.<br>Especially if the editor in charge goes way back with a recurring guest and takes what<br>they say for granted.<br>When Elisa Hategan tried to reach out to TVO\u2019s The Agenda to inform them that<br>the program they planned to air contained what she believed to be a fraudulent<br>narrative, producers ignored her. Later, internal emails revealed producers had<br>dismissed her pleas while simultaneously fawning over their important guest and<br>apologizing profusely for the inconvenience of having to ask for clarification.<br>The clarification, of course, was simply asking if what Elisa was saying was true. The<br>assertions were baldly denied. On that alone, producers declined Elisa\u2019s offer to send<br>them a motherload of evidence to the contrary.<br>A lawsuit could have been avoided. Government-funded TVO could have saved<br>thousands of taxpayer dollars in legal fees if producers unfamiliar with the subject<br>63<br>matter had not made an instant judgement call in which one person was<br>automatically dismissed, while the other greeted with a red-carpet rollout. It was a<br>breathtaking display of bias in action.<br>In a June 2019 email exchange with Steve Paikin, Paikin admitted to Elisa that he<br>had known Farber for 25 years. Paikin expressed sympathy over Elisa\u2019s predicament,<br>going so far as offering to ask people he referred to as \u201cthe deciders\u201d and \u201cthe top<br>brass\u201d if she could come on the show. As just the figurehead, he didn\u2019t have the<br>power to make that call. His request was declined. Paikin stopped answering Elisa\u2019s<br>emails; in her view, he was docile to speak up on her behalf.<br>Was Bernie Farber automatically believed because of the power of his name brand?<br>If so, there is no way to escape an insidious self-fulfilling prophecy \u2013 those who<br>trade on the name recognition of the organization backing them up (such as the<br>defunct CJC, and now CAHN) will always have an unfair advantage. Accolade builds<br>on top of accolade, and before long there is an insurmountable chasm between the<br>connection-havers and the have-nots.<br>Everywhere Elisa turned, she hit a wall \u2013 and its name was Bernie Farber. On the<br>power of his word, journalists published boldfaced lies that splashed the front pages<br>of national newspapers.<br>His reputation preceded him to such a degree that nobody flinched, even after Jewish<br>journalist Jon Kay caught him in March 2022 tweeting the photo of an antisemitic<br>flyer, supposedly taken by his \u201cfriend\u201d at a freedom convoy event in Ottawa, which<br>turned out (thanks to a reverse-image search) to originate from Miami Beach.<br>In any other iteration of reality, the idea that someone appointed to Prime Minister<br>Trudeau&#8217;s \u201cexpert advisory group\u201d on online safety could possibly fabricate evidence<br>to smear Liberal government critics as antisemites, would warrant scrutiny.<br>Not in Canada.<br>During the course of her lawsuit, Elisa Hategan contacted hundreds of Canadian<br>journalists across the country. She emailed them documentation of what she<br>considers irrefutable proof of a conspiracy to exploit and monetize her bravery as<br>the only woman to shut down the Heritage Front. Less than a dozen people replied.<br>Among them, two female journalists wanted to cover the story \u2013 one was with CBC<br>Toronto, the other with CBC Ottawa. In both cases, higher-ups killed the story.<br>She followed up with both reporters; neither wrote back. Going from friendly phone<br>calls to being snubbed without explanation was jarring. She became convinced that<br>they had been told she wasn\u2019t credible &#8211; her, the woman whose testimony as a 19-<br>year girl prompted a Human Rights Commision judge to write: \u201cBased on the<br>64<br>evidence of Ms. Hategan alone, I am convinced beyond a reasonable doubt that the<br>defendants are guilty.\u201d<br>For the daughter of deaf Romanian immigrants, the silence was deafening. \u201cAt least<br>Romanians KNEW we lived in a corrupt system where people were bribed\/bought<br>to rewrite history &amp; silence dissent. Here, people choose to become deafmutes,\u201d she<br>tweeted in 2022.<br>The mainstream media blackout served its purpose, censuring any hopes she had to<br>generate outrage in the court of public opinion. But nobody came to her aid. A<br>momentary flicker of hope emerged when actress Sarah Polley, who remembered<br>Elisa\u2019s name floating around on the set of White Lies, tweeted a public apology: \u201cI<br>am very sorry you were not consulted or paid for details of your life. It must have<br>been awful and bruising and even though I was not aware of all this I am very sorry!\u201d<br>Sarah Polley\u2019s apology made no difference. By the time she and Farber squared off<br>in court, his narrative was the only one that counted.<br>What you see on the news isn\u2019t reality as it unfolds around us. It\u2019s a filtered<br>reinterpretation of reality after it has undergone editorial pasteurization and was<br>marked \u201csafe\u201d for public consumption. By \u201csafe\u201d, we mean congruence with the<br>partisan affiliations of the broadcasting corporation\u2019s culture.<br>What makes the front page is just as important as what doesn\u2019t. \u201cNews\u201d is<br>manufactured through a process of selection that involves everyday judgment calls<br>made by people under pressure to choose politically-fashionable talking points and<br>discard anything that rocks the boat, thereby infusing journalistic biases and<br>projections into what you think is accurate and impartial reporting.<br>The fickleness of the industry\u2019s changing tastes often mirrors the contemporary<br>administration\u2019s spin. The events of September 11, 2001, shifted the attention of<br>media and law enforcement almost overnight from white nationalism to a tenacious<br>focus on brown terrorism. Because it justified the horrors to come.<br>The focus lasted nearly two decades, before Charlottesville turned the spotlight back<br>to far-right extremism. Had neo-Nazis suddenly vanished on September 12, 2001?<br>Of course not. But the instant pivot shows how selective reporting can generate a<br>public\u2019s buy-in and manufacture consent for atrocities faster than you can spell<br>\u201cNoam Chomsky.\u201d<br>If you want to get into journalism, you do as you\u2019re told. You tell the stories that<br>earn you a gold star, not ones that challenge your editor\u2019s worldview. But in a world<br>where growing numbers of people hunger for nuanced analysis and a diversity of<br>viewpoints, mainstream media \u2013 which was built on the authority of government-<br>65<br>funded information gatekeepers who reflected the politics of their masters \u2013 has lost<br>its ability to command widespread attention. At times, it is indistinguishable from<br>propaganda.<br>For a journalism student, the existential threat posed by legacy media\u2019s evaporating<br>viewership means there are less jobs to go around. You\u2019re competing not only with<br>your cohort, but with savvier, more experienced freelancers recently laid off across<br>the Postmedia network. Any job positions that open up require experience, and how<br>are you going to build up a portfolio of published work if you don\u2019t already have it?<br>Luckily, the Canadian Anti-Hate Network has thought of that, offering many<br>budding journos the opportunity to get bylines and make a quick buck.<br>Desperation breeds obedience, which might explain the curious case of Toronto<br>Metropolitan University (formerly Ryerson) hosting a panel discussion in November<br>2022 about the online harassment of women journalists. The event advertised<br>\u201cHazel Woodrow\u201d, another one of CAHN\u2019s experts whose credentials cannot be<br>verified.<br>As a journalist who has been the victim of a two-year vicious harassment campaign<br>waged against me by primarily anonymous online accounts, some of which appear<br>affiliated with CAHN, I registered for the event and tweeted my concerns about<br>CAHN\u2019s pattern of obscuring the identity of its \u201cexperts\u201d and dismissing requests<br>for transparency as the work of bigots.<br>For that, I was subjected to an immediate barrage of harassment that targeted my<br>race, skin colour and gender. The journalist leading the pack was Erica Ifill, one of<br>the panelists invited to discuss harassment against female reporters, who reacted to<br>my query with the unequivocal declaration that I am \u201ca plant for white supremacy\u201d.<br>The irony was lost on her. A brown, Muslim woman questioning the narrative of<br>anonymous, white representatives of a state-funded organization headed by<br>privileged white men who work with law enforcement, whose Chair boasts of being<br>friends with the CSIS-salaried former leader of Canada\u2019s most notorious white<br>supremacist organization in recent history \u2013 a \u201cplant for white supremacy\u201d. The<br>harassment prompted me to sue Ifill for defamation; the case is before the courts.<br>When did we go from questioning authority, especially one that delivers its dictates<br>from the shadows, to defending their right to conceal evidence and silence dissent?<br>Martin Luther King Jr. once said, \u201cThe greatest purveyor of violence in the world is<br>my own government.\u201d In February 2023, Malcolm X\u2019s family announced they would<br>sue the CIA, FBI and the NYC Police among others, for $100 million, accusing them<br>of playing a part in his 1965 assassination.<br>66<br>With irrefutable historical records showing countless prominent civil rights leaders<br>and activists under surveillance and subjects of intelligence dossiers, how can<br>Canadian left-wing activists so rabidly defend the State? Are the sycophantic<br>opportunities for photo-ops with CAHN\u2019s leaders \u2013 maybe they\u2019ll throw some<br>scraps your way (a recommendation letter, a friendly word with an editor) \u2013 worth<br>it?<br>For all we know, \u201cElizabeth Simons\u201d and \u201cHazel Woodrow\u201d could be disbursing<br>their pearls of wisdom about far-right insurgency from their offices in CSIS\/DND\u2019s<br>Ottawa headquarters.<br>There are no sacred cows in journalism. Fact-checking should be the Number One<br>Rule for people who aspire to report news and guard against misinformation. Yet as<br>the lines between government, intelligence agencies, and state-funded media<br>broadcasters grow increasingly blurred, conflicts of interest are inevitable.<br>When your editor tasks you to interview Bernie Farber about the antisemitic flyer he<br>says his buddy saw in Ottawa during the Convoy, do you stop to reverse-search the<br>image and risk annoying your boss (who\u2019s tapped Farber for soundbites for 25 years),<br>or do you simply do what you\u2019re told? And when you don\u2019t have a choice in the<br>matter, do you really want to know the truth?<br>The absolute, unquestioning deference to CAHN by TMU\u2019s J-school students flies<br>in the face of CAJ\u2019s own guidelines, which instruct journalists to \u201cmake every effort<br>to verify the identities and backgrounds of our sources, as well as \u201cseek<br>documentation to support the reliability of those sources and their stories\u201d and<br>\u201cdistinguish between assertions and facts.\u201d<br>What a fantastic coup for its Executive Director. Within 4 years of CAHN\u2019s<br>inception, despite being plagued with accusations of inflated numbers, shoddy<br>methodology, and outright lying, and currently facing two lawsuits in federal court,<br>the grasshopper had surpassed its master. Evan Balgord\u2019s propaganda machine had<br>overtaken the authority of the association that had once elected him as vice-<br>president. In effect, the Canadian Association of Journalist\u2019s mandate that \u201cWe do<br>not allow our biases to impede fair and accurate reporting\u201d had fallen to an<br>organization that proudly \u201cwore its biases on its sleeves\u201d.<br>In the weeks following Charlottesville, Elisa Hategan met for coffee with then-<br>Macleans editor Q (formerly known as Andray Domise) to discuss his plans for a<br>column on the re-emergence of the white supremacist right. Q related that after he\u2019d<br>joined Macleans, his editor told him to direct any questions he had about antiracism<br>to Farber. The directive rubbed him the wrong way. Why should he defer to the so-<br>called expertise of a white, privileged boomer who hadn\u2019t lived through the<br>67<br>indignities suffered by a person of colour growing up poor in the inner city? Because<br>his equally-white, equally-privileged boomer editor always deferred to Farber? For a<br>black man who\u2019d experienced racism first-hand, \u201cThat\u2019s how we do this\u201d wasn\u2019t<br>going to fly.<br>Q chose to cover antiracism in his own way, and Hategan respected him for it.<br>Because, no matter what you think of anyone\u2019s politics, it takes guts to have an<br>original voice in a country where the unspoken marker of success is breathtaking<br>cowardice.<br>68<br>Who Gave CAHN the Right?<br>Who gave CAHN the right to declare themselves definitive arbiters of what is<br>acceptable, vis-\u00e0-vis extremist, behaviour? And how did they pinpoint the meridian?<br>What percentage of the population need to fly the Red Ensign flag from their pickup<br>trucks and hold right-wing views, as opposed to those whose attachment stems out<br>of its historical context, before it shifts from being the former flag of Canada, to a<br>hate symbol? Who came up with the calculation, and does CAHN really know how<br>to do the math?<br>How can we take at face value, the declarations of someone who refuses to show<br>their face?<br>Who appointed CAHN ultimate arbiter, and judge of character and intent, when the<br>identity of their \u201cdeputy director\u201d, along with other staff, is kept anonymous due to<br>unspecified concerns over unspecified threats from unspecified \u201cNazis\u201d?<br>Countless academics and journalists throughout the years have investigated fringe<br>extremist movements and lived to tell the tale. When it comes down to something<br>as serious as destroying reputations, is asking for transparency really tantamount to<br>a \u201cfascist\u201d attempt to \u201cdoxx\u201d the accuser?<br>In a fair and democratic society, we have the right to know who our accuser is. As<br>English jurist William Blackstone once said, \u201cBetter that ten guilty persons escape,<br>than that one innocent suffer.\u201d Surely erring on the side of innocence is worth<br>something? On a balance of probabilities, is the risk of someone who claims to be a<br>researcher (but offers no credentials to prove it) maybe experiencing something that<br>has not even happened, worth more than a life that will permanently be stained by<br>unverifiable accusations?<br>Who gave CAHN or their rabid acolytes the right to arbitrarily shut down discourse<br>under the pretext that it is \u201cextremist\u201d, even as the goalposts keep shifting? The right<br>to suggest that engaging in conversation with a political adversary makes you \u201cfash-<br>adjacent\u201d? The right to equate countering polarization through dialogue, with<br>platforming hatred?<br>Who gives anyone the power to browbeat you with reductive jingles and thought-<br>terminating clich\u00e9s? The power to shame you into staying silent, because speaking<br>out against injustice committed by your side makes you a traitor\u2026and therefore a<br>\u201cNazi\u201d?<br>69<br>You did.<br>Every time you buy blindly into a narrative that you then repeat without examining<br>the evidence behind the accusation, you empower those who stand to gain from<br>your oblivion.<br>70<br>Cowardice<br>It is difficult to fathom the profound sense of betrayal that Jeremy MacKenzie and<br>Elisa Hategan must feel at how their country threw them to the wayside in favour<br>of a more advantageous narrative.<br>For Jeremy, the homeland he risked his life to fight for, framed him as a criminal.<br>For Elisa, the adopted country that rallied around a CSIS agent provocateur, threw<br>an eighteen-year-old girl trying to do the right thing, to the wolves.<br>It is a testament to Jeremy and Elisa\u2019s character that they have not allowed the<br>extraordinary injustice they suffered to detract from how sincerely they carry<br>themselves. No one would blame them if they turned irredeemably bitter and angry,<br>which would have played into the hands of those who portrayed them as such, who<br>would relish the opportunity to say they were right all along.<br>But Jeremy and Elisa are not your average people. They could not be bullied into<br>being ashamed or questioning their own reality. They were determined to survive<br>through their ordeals, to do like Jeremy did as a young soldier\u2014left foot, right foot,<br>keep going, day after next\u2014as they walked through the darkest nights of their lives.<br>\u201cProbably the only reason I didn\u2019t kill myself is, I didn\u2019t want to give them the<br>satisfaction,\u201d Elisa says. \u201cSometimes the only reason I got up in the morning was to<br>spite them.\u201d<br>She finds irony in the fact that her parents thought they were escaping Romanian<br>dictator Nicolae Ceau\u0219escu\u2019s communist authoritarian rule by emigrating to Canada<br>when she was eleven, only for her life to be destroyed before it ever got started.<br>\u201cI was erased from history, erased from my own work, from my own articles, erased<br>from a movie that monetized my hard-fraught experiences, erased by a world that<br>rendered me inconvenient because I spoke the truth about government corruption<br>that was deliberately suppressed for thirty years.\u201d<br>On her Substack blog, she writes:<br>Just because they win, doesn\u2019t mean you are a loser. Because what is loss,<br>in such an artificial setting? Throughout our lives, we\u2019ve seen people who<br>win while losing their integrity, compromising their beliefs, ignoring their<br>conscience, siding with liars and sycophants, sacrificing Truth for an<br>illusion in order to please and appease powerful men from whom they<br>hope to extract favours\u2013 an illusion that gets them success and accolades,<br>things that this world considers indicators of what makes one human<br>being better than another.<br>71<br>From cradle to grave, we are pushed to bend, to become warped by<br>categorizations of perceived value, a valuation of a human being\u2019s worth<br>filtered and imprinted into your psyche by the society and culture you\u2019re<br>born into.<br>What kind of win is that? Winning the right to pass a lie as truth, will<br>never make it true.<br>There is a scene in the iconic film V for Vendetta, where a tortured, broken Evie<br>emerges from the darkness of her prison to stand on a rooftop and lift her arms<br>toward the sky as rain washes over her, symbolizing her rebirth. To Elisa, her ordeal<br>has been a baptism by fire that led to a powerful awakening.<br>Her career destroyed, her Amazon page hit with scores of 1-star reviews, countless<br>journalists and academics unfollowing or blocking her without explanation, a<br>Wikipedia page created in her name falsely stating she lost her lawsuit on the merits<br>of an appeal, rather than procedural delay. But in the end, what did any of it matter?<br>\u201cIf our society wasn\u2019t structured around making a competition of such artificial<br>rewards, if the measure of success wasn\u2019t counted by the number of followers,<br>retweets and clicks a story gets, our reality would be a whole lot more authentic. It\u2019s<br>about standing on that stage and speaking your truth, even if the theatre is empty.<br>Your conscience is your audience.\u201d<br>When asked about being exploited, irreparably harmed, and discarded by the state,<br>Elisa and Jeremy both point to the same loathsome characteristic of Canadian<br>society: cowardice.<br>Canadians are too cowardly to be outraged about things that matter. Like CSIS<br>covering up a botched operation by rewarding the perpetrator while punishing the<br>whistleblower. Or politicians pushing for immoral wars from behind the safety of<br>their podiums. Or the symbiotic relationship between subsidized media corporations<br>and the government that they depend upon for sustenance.<br>For many, the idea of disloyalty to a cause or political party is a frightening prospect,<br>backed by the assumption that if you\u2019re not with us, you\u2019re against us. Because we\u2019ve<br>all seen what happens when others strayed outside their lanes. The policing that goes<br>on in activist circles, the ever-deepening purity spiral.<br>The fear that if you challenge the central orthodoxy, you\u2019ll be excommunicated.<br>Worse yet, you might be called a Nazi. And the purging is always retroactive. You<br>were never one of us. You never deserved a seat at the table. You\u2019re a traitor. Your<br>crime never has any mitigating factors, either\u2014only pure malice can be attributable<br>to the noncompliant.<br>72<br>Is it any wonder then, that in a time when people are silently afraid of slipping up,<br>laughing at the wrong joke, being accused of wrongthink, that it seems so much safer<br>to outsource critical thinking to \u201cexperts\u201d?<br>But it is the countless tiny acts of cowardice by bureaucrats and journalists that allow<br>bad behaviour to go unchecked: parroting false information, failing to ask critical<br>questions, turning the other way to ignore inconvenient truths. Our institutions are<br>only as strong as the people running them, and the checks and balances in place.<br>Guess what happens when you see wrongdoing and choose to look the other way?<br>You enable it. As most of the population cowers in fear and remains silent so as not<br>to accidentally offend, the loudest voices left standing come from fringe extremists<br>on both ends of the political spectrum.<br>Canada is a unique country where huge scandals are ignored or buried due to<br>cronyism and corruption. No place on earth is completely free from corruption, but<br>at least citizens in most places know about it and demand change. Some make it a<br>hobby to complain about crooked politicians to their neighbours or at the local cafe.<br>Everyone knows how nepotism works. Here in Canada, we are too complacent and<br>satisfied by scraps and distractions. Bread and circuses rule the day. But the worst<br>part is the unshakable, endemic self-righteousness that we can do no wrong. \u201cWe\u2019re<br>too civilized, too polite. Things like that just don\u2019t happen here\u201d, accompanied by<br>the unspoken belief that \u201cWe\u2019re better than those people.\u201d<br>And like it or not, complacency leads to complicity.<br>Indifference is the scum floating at the top of this cesspool. Deeper, there is actual<br>complicity and coverups. It all goes back to cowardice, whether motivated by fear,<br>insecurity, greed, or misplaced loyalty.<br>Elisa believes the indifference masks a deeper problem:<br>Believing the worst about those you don\u2019t want to help allows you to<br>walk away with a clean conscience\u2014because the wounded animal in the<br>road either isn\u2019t really that hurt, or is beyond saving.<br>The most sheltered tend to be the most inflexible and unforgiving.<br>They\u2019re the ones most likely to accuse the sufferer of exaggeration or<br>manipulation. You must vilify the Other to justify why you won\u2019t help,<br>even if helping is within your means. The cruelty of indifference gives<br>you peace of mind; it allows you to sleep at night.<br>Conversely, those who\u2019ve known hunger will always be the first to break<br>bread. Those who have encountered trauma will most readily understand<br>suffering and pain, because they\u2019ve lived it. Some of the kindest, most<br>73<br>selfless and forgiving people I\u2019ve ever met \u2013 people I credit with saving<br>my life, once upon a time \u2013 were poor themselves, were immigrants or<br>visible minorities, were people who had experienced hardship and<br>recognized it on my face before I ever had to ask for help.<br>There\u2019s a saying that goes, \u201cWhen an honest man discovers he is mistaken, he will<br>either cease being mistaken, or cease being honest.\u201d<br>Which of those do you count on being?<br>The Courage to Have Second Thoughts<br>It should not be up to the victims to correct grave errors made by powerful<br>institutions. But a signature trait of being among cowards is that nobody ever admits<br>they were wrong. Instead of an apology, we sweep our dirt under the carpet and<br>pretend our living room is spotless. The \u201cdirt\u201d are the expendable ones; the \u201ccarpet\u201d<br>is our denial and sense of decorum.<br>Kristen Little, RCMP Intelligence Analyst with the Ideologically Motivated Criminal<br>Intelligence Team (IMCIT) gently raised concerns on February 14, 2022:<br>I don\u2019t mean to bother you\u2026 but I have some concerns which u may as<br>well [sic] about including diagolon and Canada first in paragraphs using<br>\u201cimVE\u2026 Apologies if I am overstepping here. But maybe we shouldn\u2019t<br>rush on trying to put something out considering it appears our reports<br>are going out to so many agencies\u2026 Just a suggestion, again..not trying<br>to overstep but just trying to think of what our \u201cvalue added\u201d can be due<br>to the numerous reports coming from rcmp as well as other agencies.<br>Reading between the lines, it seems she was hesitant to rubber stamp a research<br>document that lacked nuance:<br>I know the content of the report is seeking to answer some higher<br>questions and this isn\u2019t a criticism at all of the hard work done by Ashley<br>and James under what have no doubt been stressful circumstances but<br>before our unit\u2019s name is on something I want to be sure we are giving<br>accurate historical context and a full picture.<br>A very Canadian email, overladen with apologies. Still, a notable outlier among her<br>colleagues considering the overall lack of pushback, and apparent willingness to<br>adopt copy-and-paste as an investigative technique.<br>A comprehensive 16-page RCMP report titled \u201cDiagolon Profile January\/February<br>2022\u201d states that it is \u201cdifficult to understand\u201d how certain conclusions were reached<br>with confidence despite the lack of substantive evidence:<br>74<br>Based on available open source information it is exceedingly difficult to<br>ascertain the extent to which Diagolon is a distinct group, with common<br>ideology, a political agenda, and the cohesion necessary to advance such<br>an agenda.<br>The Canadian Anti-Hate Network (CAHN) is cited as the main authority<br>on the group by all mainstream media outlets; due to the fact that all<br>information traces back to one source, triangulation and the verification<br>of facts is almost impossible at the current time. Based on the<br>information that is publicly available, it is difficult to understand how<br>CAHN can confidently assert that Diagolon is an \u201caccelerationist<br>movement that believes a revolution is inevitable and necessary to<br>collapse the current government system\u2026 Due to a lack of substantive<br>open source material, operational information would be needed to<br>supplement the profile.<br>If anyone else questioned or critiqued CAHN\u2019s narrative, premised on dubious<br>assertions, it is not apparent from over a thousand pages of documents reviewed in<br>the FOIPOP.<br>Abject cowardice is the reason why charlatans have been entrusted to define \u201chate.\u201d<br>The Courage to Speak<br>As Elisa told me while we worked on this daunting project:<br>The biggest lesson I learned over the last eight years is that nobody<br>comes to your rescue when you live in a country of cowards. When you<br>can\u2019t offer anything in return. When you have no doors to open, names<br>to drop, favours to trade on. You have to save yourself, because nobody<br>else will do it for you. If not now, when? If not us, who?<br>Cowardice is not having tried at all. Rolling over and giving up before trying to fight.<br>Buttressed by its fa\u00e7ade of moral superiority and banal platitudes, CAHN gives those<br>who love to hate a powerful outlet to rage for a good cause. Within its radius,<br>CAHN\u2019s quest to purge \u201cfascists\u201d has attracted certain clusters of personalities<br>looking to destroy others in good conscience, or as Aldous Huxley wrote, \u201cto behave<br>badly and excuse it as righteous indignation.\u201d<br>This is the antithesis of countering radicalization.<br>If your policy is not to \u201cengage with fascists\u201d, all possibilities for understanding,<br>conversation, even deradicalization, go out the door. The moment you determine<br>someone is, in your eyes, a Nazi, then that person has lost all right to dispute that<br>conclusion. Since you refuse to speak or listen, once the label has been cast, they<br>75<br>have no hope for an appeal. You took away that opportunity when you prioritized<br>your interpretation over their truth.<br>Some might call such an inflexible mindset, totalitarian.<br>Do you really believe that some people become more dangerous on others\u2019 say-so?<br>People and symbols are not that different from each other. We affix labels and<br>meaning to everything we experience, as part of encoding memory. If you can label<br>a flag a danger, you most certainly can, a human. As the world becomes more<br>complex, everyone\u2019s bandwidth cranks to capacity and it\u2019s ever more tempting to<br>reach for simplistic, black and white answers.<br>Why risk blurting out the wrong opinion, when you can let the \u201cexperts&#8221; do the<br>thinking for you?<br>76<br>An Unholy Alliance<br>Based on the work of renowned American psychologist Jennifer Freyd, DARVO is<br>an acronym that stands for \u201cDeny, Attack, and Reverse Victim and Offender.\u201d<br>According to Wikipedia\u2019s definition:<\/li><\/ul>\n\n\n\n<ol start=\"2021\"><li>The abuser denies the abuse ever took place<\/li><li>When confronted with evidence, the abuser then attacks the person that was<br>abused (and\/or the person&#8217;s family and\/or friends) for attempting to hold the<br>abuser accountable for their actions, and finally<\/li><li>The abuser claims that they are actually the victim in the situation, thus<br>reversing the positions of victim and offender. It often involves not just<br>playing the victim but also victim blaming.\u201d<br>All three of us\u2014Jeremy, Elisa and myself\u2014have been the victims of DARVO<br>campaigns, both on social media and in real life, to varying degrees. The most<br>insidious effect of being forced to face an endless barrage of psychological attacks<br>intended to break you down and make you doubt your own perception of reality, is<br>the gaslighting. Its aim is to make a person feel defensive about fighting back against<br>his or her own exploitation.<br>And then there\u2019s the tested and true formula of Anonymity. Among the shrewd<br>arsenal of tactics used by proponents of anonymity to shut down requests for<br>transparency is the accusation of \u201cdoxxing,\u201d which carries the implication that you<br>are putting the culprit in danger if by demanding to know who is behind a malicious<br>accusation. In the age of character assassination by social media, any attempt to<br>uncover and confront one\u2019s maligner is inextricably entwined with the accusation of<br>\u201cdoxxing\u201d. When combined, they create a remarkably effective form of DARVO.<br>The Oxford Dictionary defines doxxing as \u201csearch for and publish private or<br>identifying information about (a particular individual) on the internet, typically with<br>malicious intent.\u201d Open-source intelligence (OSINT), on the other hand, is defined<br>by Wikipedia as \u201cthe collection and analysis of data gathered from open sources<br>(covert and publicly available sources)\u201d.<br>Over time, however, and largely the result of contrived accusations of misconduct<br>advanced by anonymity proponents, a gray area has emerged between the two,<br>rendering the charge arbitrary and frequently used as a tool to preemptively silence<br>demands for transparency and accountability.<br>Nowadays, an accusation of doxxing can mean anything from identifying the owner<br>of a social account by their real name, to posting publicly available information about<br>77<br>them, to sharing personal or private information such as an address or contact<br>details. A great deal depends on who is targeted. Some so-called researchers take<br>pride in OSINT, but claim the same tactics are harmful and inexcusable when used<br>against them. It gets even murkier when anonymous accounts produce material<br>about real people that itself becomes OSINT.<br>Any discussion about doxxing and social media is apt to be intertwined with the<br>debate over anonymity and its abuses. Nameless trolls regularly reach into their<br>targets\u2019 real lives for ammunition to use in a cyber battle, while themselves remaining<br>anonymous. When they can\u2019t fight a fair fight because they\u2019re objectively wrong,<br>many choose to launch a covert attack that is part distraction, part bullying, part<br>intimidation into silence.<br>How are anonymous accounts able to sway so many people to believe them over<br>real-name accounts? Why do so many Twitter users seem to have a positive bias<br>toward them, and judge real-name accounts with more cynicism and suspicion?<br>A lot has to do with how we\u2019re wired, and how incredibly difficult it can be to<br>separate ourselves from our social programming. We have biases built into us by the<br>society we&#8217;re born into, preconceptions that shape our responses and which can<br>become ingrained reactions. Our brains constantly evaluate contradictory<br>information flooding in from our environment and make split-second decisions that<br>can impact our survival. But in a virtual ecosphere like Twitter, where you are not<br>presented with the same amount of tangible information you\u2019d encounter in real life,<br>this evolutionary feature can be a downfall.<br>The reality of online platforms is that it is nearly impossible to avoid the temptation<br>of making assumptions about a stranger based on 280-character interactions stripped<br>of context and other sensory data. It requires a fair bit of intellectual humility to<br>recognize that the people with whom we interact, as well as ourselves, are not one-<br>dimensional characters. Context and backstories matter. This doesn\u2019t mean truth is<br>relative, just that we must be cautious about leaping to conclusions.<br>Anonymity holds the promise of something special, a treasure trove of exciting<br>possibilities, and perhaps this is why we tend to give anonymous accounts the benefit<br>of the doubt far more often than they deserve to be trusted. People project heroic<br>attributes onto accounts purportedly fighting for good causes\u2013 since you don\u2019t know<br>who they are, your imagination makes up all sorts of stories about who they might<br>be: an edgy hacker, an underground resistance fighter, a Guy Fawkes-masked hero.<br>We respond positively to images that represent causes and ideals we already embrace.<br>If you want to be noticed by a particular target demographic, all you need to do is<br>upload a banner image and profile photo that conveys solidarity with a cause du jour,<br>78<br>and you\u2019ve primed your target audience to treat you like an in-group member, a<br>fellow activist who shares their values and ideals.<br>Most people believe themselves savvy enough to avoid being catfished by extremist<br>ideologues and garden-variety trolls, but are they really? How do you know who is<br>behind that rainbow flag, the BLM hashtag, the Antifa banner claiming solidarity<br>with Indigenous causes? Could you tell if you were engaging with an incel LARPing<br>as a knight in shining armour? Are they every bit the activist they claim to be?<br>Social justice movements have a history of being infiltrated by agitators, saboteurs<br>and government agents who seed division and incite criminal activity to derail<br>progress. And yet, among many Twitter activists, anonymity is not just<br>commonplace but encouraged and even expected.<br>It is na\u00efve to assume that law enforcement and intelligence agencies would not take<br>advantage of the anonymity afforded by online platforms. Why are we not asking<br>ourselves how the normalization of concealment in social justice groups plays into<br>the hands of nefarious actors?<br>For two years I battled bullies from all sides of the political spectrum, people who<br>wielded anonymity like a shield as they tried to erase who I am and publicly<br>disseminated an alternate version of me, a construct of their imagination. It was a<br>crowd of people playing pretend, while seeking to redefine activism to suit their<br>narrative and make themselves out to be greater heroes or greater victims. They<br>claimed to fight for justice but harassed with impunity, assembling through Twitter<br>flash mobs in pile-ons that often started with a single troll siccing the pack onto a<br>particular target.<br>The more they veiled themselves in anonymity, the more I pursued transparency\u2013<br>only to realize that accusations of \u201cdoxxing\u201d are entrenched in an arsenal of tactics<br>used by cyberbullies to gaslight their victims into not naming their harassers or<br>demanding accountability, lest they be smeared as \u201cdoxxers\u201d.<br>There is something perverse about being forced to take relentless abuse and not seek<br>to identify your abusers. It\u2019s the epitome of gaslighting. The culture of secrecy in<br>some circles appears at odds with a movement that claims to advocate for people\u2019s<br>intrinsic right to live without persecution and mistreatment.<br>Why would any social justice activist be expected to abide by an Omert\u00e0 code that<br>commands everyone to keep silent and not discuss abuse \u201camong our own\u201d, or risk<br>ostracization? Who decided this? And why does it seem like the worst abusers of<br>anonymity are also the ones who wield the \u201cdoxxing\u201d accusation most freely?<br>79<br>I do not believe it is \u201cdoxxing\u201d to identify by name someone who incites harmful or<br>criminal activity. While there are valid reasons to keep one\u2019s identity private, hiding<br>behind anonymity while attacking real people is cowardly. I reject the premise that<br>self-identified \u201cantifascists\u201d who make a hobby of online harassment are, in fact, the<br>ultimate do-gooders. Their actions do not align with the basic principles of leftism,<br>which advocates for justice and fair treatment of all human beings.<br>People who claim to fight for justice yet harass and try to destroy others using shady<br>tactics, are self-deputized gatekeepers who believe that rules of fairness and respect<br>should apply to them, but not their foes. Benefit of the doubt only goes one way.<br>They use buzzwords that elicit strong emotions (\u201cNazi\u201d, \u201cfascist\u201d, \u201cTERF\u201d),<br>sometimes for weeks and months on end, and repeat them until they stick, counting<br>on the fact that most online users won\u2019t be bothered to investigate the source and<br>context surrounding the original accusation.<br>In large part due to anonymity, social platforms have become caustic environments<br>where smack talk, vicious comebacks and mockery are viewed as entertainment.<br>Many users show up for a fight\u2014either to fight it or to watch it\u2014and whoever lands<br>the best insult wins.<br>The Social Colosseum<br>In a virtual arena like Twitter everyone plays a part, and what you do is as important<br>as what you don\u2019t do. An audience that feeds off bloodshed and trauma, however<br>passively, will invariably contribute to the antagonistic climate that sustains it.<br>Remaining silent while you witness pile-ons and cyber-harassment is not a neutral<br>stance\u2014it is complicity. When you amplify an insulting tweet, you encourage and<br>abet the account holder to keep behaving recklessly. Likewise, looking away without<br>saying anything is a role in itself\u2014the role of a cowardly spectator.<br>If you would not tolerate the same comments if they were made by people \u201con the<br>other side\u201d, then you are part of the problem.<br>Most people are afraid to stand out and voice unpopular opinions, so they get their<br>carnage vicariously. Through likes and retweets, they can amplify things they don&#8217;t<br>have the courage to speak aloud, even as they know, deep inside, that the content<br>they choose to disseminate is malicious or nasty.<br>In the Roman colosseum, no moral blameworthiness could be attributed to the lions<br>or slaves. The emperor may have been cruel, and some warriors battled for sport,<br>but ultimately the biggest culprits were the audience.<br>80<br>Two thousand years have passed, but human nature is predictable. I suspect social<br>media trolls would not behave as they do, were it not for the encouragement of an<br>enabling crowd. Emboldened by the acceptance of silent onlookers, nefarious users<br>project their rage and obsessions to an arena where the spectators are never held<br>accountable.<br>Any perception of fairness is an illusion, because nothing is fair about this fight. It\u2019s<br>torture and punishment disguised as public discourse. To fight against an onslaught<br>of malicious trolls, acutely cognizant that every word you speak will be dissected,<br>reinterpreted in bad faith and examined under a microscopic lens a thousand times<br>over, is like being in the arena with a hand tied behind your back.<br>Real-name accounts are scrutinized and held to a higher standard of perfection<br>because people\u2019s careers and reputations are at stake. Conversely, anonymous users<br>lack that responsibility because they have no real names and reputations attached to<br>disposable accounts. This endows them with a vast advantage\u2014anonymity means<br>bad actors can use deception to harass those whose real-name persona prohibits<br>them from responding in kind.<br>Progress happens when people come together to bring about positive change, not<br>to destroy others in order to feel superior. This puts social media colosseums<br>inherently at odds with peacebuilding. The combative nature of Twitter shapes its<br>culture as much as it sabotages true discourse.<br>Forgiveness and compassion are the antithesis of vicarious entertainment, and easily<br>discarded in an arena where punches are thrown via slurs intended to pummel<br>psychologically. Empathy, mercy, or mitigating factors are reserved only for \u201cour\u201d<br>side, never our adversaries.<br>Nothing I have ever done warrants the vicious attacks on my character or my right<br>to exist in public. Nothing can justify my friends and supporters being scared on my<br>behalf, and for themselves. The relentless surveillance, misrepresentation of my<br>every move, the escalating harassment carried out physically and online by malicious<br>or misguided individuals role-playing as revolutionaries, has irrevocably changed my<br>perspective on anonymity.<br>We cannot allow ourselves to be persuaded to accept secrecy as a legitimate practice.<br>Doing so eschews accountability and any semblance of objectivity. Lies and<br>misinformation spread by masked character assassins carry real-life consequences,<br>both for those unfairly targeted by false accusations and those who are swayed by<br>the lies. Pretending this is not happening is a disservice to the truth.<br>81<br>Our Stories Merge<br>I lost my father to COVID-19 in March 2021. He was a pandemic skeptic, but that<br>was not something we talked about. The unexpected loss propelled me to want to<br>connect with similar people on a human level\u2014 not to persuade, but to try and<br>understand. I was also interested in the discussion around balancing individual<br>constitutional rights with emergency measures imposed upon the population.<br>I started becoming methodical about documenting \u201cfreedom\u201d rallies, mostly as a fly<br>on the wall. I posted on social media because it felt like a matter of public interest<br>that was not being tackled meaningfully by mainstream media. I documented an<br>emerging political subculture with boots on the ground. Over time, I grew creative<br>with the gimmicks and vignettes. My videographer and I showed up, were polite,<br>and never concealed the camera. Our footage, as well as my commentary, has been<br>used by national and international major broadcasters.<br>In April 2021, I produced a comic featuring Chris Sky. He took offense and<br>encouraged hundreds of thousands of his followers to brigade my account. The<br>hateful messages kept coming and would not stop. Being piled on every few seconds<br>was a surreal experience. The constant one-star Google reviews. The non-stop<br>barrage of hostility. In response, I made more comics. I am not one to be silenced.<br>The Canadian Anti-Hate Network reached out to me privately after the first comic.<br>At the time, I thought the organization did good work. I was asked about producing<br>comics on a regular basis for their website. We discussed it over the course of about<br>a week, before I ultimately declined to provide content as CAHN had invited.<br>And then, a strange thing happened. Positive messages started being mixed in with<br>the hate mail. My feed was bringing people out of their respective echo chambers,<br>and encouraging the exchange of ideas\u2014to me, it does not matter if we disagree,<br>just that we talk. I challenge deep seeded assumptions simply by being myself.<br>A disheartening phenomenon during the pandemic was the normalization of<br>dehumanization. Dialogue and common ground can change minds. The accusation<br>of \u201cplatforming\u201d is premised on paternalistic assumptions of gatekeeping access to<br>ideas because people cannot be trusted to think for themselves. There is value in<br>trying to forge a dialogue across the political divide, so we might figure out ways to<br>live together in peace.<br>In July 2021, I invited Chris Sky to a live podcast recording to be held outside my<br>rented commercial unit in my neighbourhood. I deliberately scheduled the show at<br>the tail end of the lockdown, before restrictions loosened up the following week, so<br>I could purposely limit the audience to 25 invited guests. I was prepared to<br>82<br>accommodate uninvited spectators in the upstairs plaza overlooking the stage and<br>hired private security as a precaution.<br>What happened next changed the trajectory of my life. A group of masked strangers,<br>dressed head to toe in black, blockaded the venue entrance. Their intention was to<br>stop me from talking to Chris Sky. To stop me specifically\u2014Sky had appeared at<br>numerous rallies prior to my event, never with any resistance or counter protest. Nor<br>was Chris Sky ever blockaded again in Toronto.<br>Their target wasn\u2019t the man they called a fascist, but the left-leaning, brown Muslim<br>woman who dared to challenge him to an in-person interview. Me stepping outside<br>the demarcation lines of my political affiliations was viewed as an existential threat<br>to people I\u2019d never engaged with before.<br>What should have been a riveting and thought-provoking show quickly devolved<br>into a street brawl. In the aftermath, I was blamed for two separate groups of adults<br>cosplaying as revolutionaries on the street. This marked the beginning of a concerted<br>smear campaign against me, justified by many as punishment for my audacity to host<br>an unpopular event. Blockade participants soon retreated to mostly-anonymous<br>Twitter accounts to misrepresent the situation.<br>Within days, CAHN published an article chastising me for hosting the event,<br>spotlighting an anonymous organizer who misrepresented the situation by<br>exaggerating or inventing my missteps while downplaying their own contributions<br>to violence. The article was authored by a man who had been surveilling and<br>distributing photos of my unit. He was also part of the blockade. CAHN made some<br>revisions to the article after I flagged serious issues, but the editor\u2019s note lacks<br>specifics. The article has been cited countless times to establish that I am a \u201cdanger<br>to communities.\u201d In other words, it was a hit piece.<br>Things escalated from there. Over the next two years, the vitriol morphed into<br>malicious attacks against my personal and professional reputation, amplified by other<br>nameless accounts gleefully jumping on the bandwagon. I saw a lifetime of hard,<br>honest work at risk of destruction by a handful of malevolent trolls using anonymity<br>as a shield to harass and dehumanize me through derogatory lies and degrading<br>memes and flyers targeting my race, my character, and my professional reputation.<br>All arising from a single event that never actually took place.<br>I don\u2019t know how I made it through. There are battle scars, but I emerged stronger.<br>If they had it their way, I would have quit documenting protests. I moved in the<br>other direction, big time. Did I mention I hate being told what to do.<br>83<br>It was a fluke that I was able to attend the duration of the Freedom Convoy; it was<br>only made possible because the relentless harassment pushed me to spend a season<br>outside of Toronto. Using Perth, Ontario as a homebase allowed me closer access<br>to the Ottawa region. I was there to watch the police wave the first trucks into place,<br>and there to see the last ones get towed away. I was willing to go where others dared<br>not. And I did it with a smile, even when I felt afraid.<br>I was interviewed on the Fifth Estate episode about the convoy to share my<br>observations; the interviewer focusing on my comments about the interactions<br>between protesters and law enforcement. Kurt Phillips was also tapped as an expert.<br>One segment of the final product was about Jeremy MacKenzie.<br>A subset of the population got fed up with what they perceived as too much<br>indulgence towards the convoy movement and inched towards vigilantism. An<br>institutional failure by police led to ordinary citizens exercising arbitrary power<br>against other citizens. The creation of a \u201cconvite\u201d class was used to justify<br>concerning behaviour, including gang-stalking and gang-harassment coordinated<br>over Discord, Facebook, Twitter, and Twitch.<br>On my part, I continued to attend and document public protests and fringe social<br>movements. I covered the emergence of counter protests, sometimes to the chagrin<br>of counter protesters. I began using the term \u201cantifaux\u201d to refer to antifascists more<br>interested in performative activism than upholding progressive values.<br>After enduring nearly a year of harassment from CAHN-adjacent accounts and<br>individuals in silence, I tweeted an invitation to anyone with similar experiences to<br>contact me. That is how I initially connected with Jeremy MacKenzie.<br>It was April 2022. Everything I knew about him came from second-hand online<br>sources, so I was apprehensive about being in contact. But I pushed past my<br>assumptions and reservations and took a couple of hours to listen to his experiences.<br>I spotted patterns that gave me food for thought. After the call, we continued our<br>separate ways. I watched what looked like a downward spiral from afar. I noted the<br>heat Jeremy attracted first-hand after posting a couple of comics.<br>In October 2022 I travelled to Saskatchewan on my own initiative to observe<br>Jeremy\u2019s bail hearing. Watching the proceeding unfold, I saw a man being railroaded.<br>It did not sit well with me. However unpopular a person or their cause, everyone<br>deserves a fair shake. I have followed his legal proceedings closely since then,<br>including reporting on a disclosure motion as it happened.<br>Public hysteria thrives on a boogeyman. Emotions take precedence over evidence,<br>especially if the bad guy makes it easy to dislike them. The court of public opinion<br>can interfere with the rule of law, particularly where institutions are complicit<br>84<br>(wittingly or not) in spreading the smear and fomenting panic and outrage. Think of<br>the Martensville Satanic Sex Scandal. Interestingly, the judge who denied Jeremy bail<br>in Saskatchewan was one of the Martensville prosecutors.<br>I have observed and documented people radicalize in real time, while others move<br>in the opposite direction. Individual trajectories are influenced by personal life<br>circumstances, mental health, loneliness, and the media they consume.<br>Radicalization can happen at either end of the political spectrum.<br>A 2022 ruling from Ontario\u2019s Small Claims Court determined that CAHN has<br>obtained financial support, assisted a violent political movement, used its financial<br>support to influence a violent political movement, and that the violent political<br>movement was \u201cantifa\u201d, so-named for its anti-fascist motivations.<br>These findings came out of a defamation lawsuit filed by Richard Warman against<br>journalists Jonathan and Barbara Kay over a handful of tweets that did not mention<br>Warman by name. The judge characterized Warman as a controversial figure and<br>accepted that he has used litigation to silence critics in the past. Ultimately, the<br>statements were found not to be defamatory. The judge added that even if Warman<br>had succeeded in his action, only nominal damages of $5,000 and $500 would have<br>been awarded against Jonathan and Barbara Kay, respectively.<br>The decision is being appealed.<br>Although none of their writers seem to be on the ground to cover events as they<br>unfold, CAHN published materials geared towards counter protesters, or self-<br>appointed \u201ccommunity defenders\u201d and \u201cguardians.\u201d CAHN specifically encouraged<br>counter protesters to \u201cice out fake journalists\u201d at events through noisemaking, and<br>the use of banners and flags to create visual and physical barriers. I have been<br>subjected to in-person harassment at rallies by counter protesters employing such<br>tactics. I am suing CAHN in Federal Court for trade libel and unfair competition.<br>The case is pending.<br>85<br>Conclusion<br>Fundamentally, we are in a war of competing narratives. On one side, elites with<br>connections to political leaders, mainstream media and law enforcement. On the<br>other, people deemed expendable. A brash working-class man with conservative<br>political views who criticizes the military and policing industrial complexes. A<br>\u201cwretched little immigrant girl\u201d who destroyed an intelligence operation. A lawyer<br>who refuses to play her assigned role.<br>How can such an unbalanced battle result in truth or justice prevailing? It would take<br>a miracle. But to Elisa, sometimes hope is all you have left. After they break you<br>down and throw you in that gutter where they say you belong, all you have left is the<br>choice to lift your head and look up at the stars:<br>You know the truth because you lived it. Everything else you\u2019ve heard<br>about yourself and the world around you is a subjective interpretation<br>filtered through someone else\u2019s lens \u2013 which is shaped by their own<br>biases, interests, (sub)conscious influences and value judgements, and<br>the biases of those who, in turn, shaped them. The biggest fight is to not<br>allow them to replace who you know you are, with their projections of<br>who they think you are.<br>The world is one gigantic courtroom \u2013 and everything is persuasion.<br>Those who are born into privilege and can buy their way into positions<br>of power and authority, most often get to decide the outcome of the<br>external story. They can certify and endorse each other\u2019s version of<br>reality and impose it through brute force or majority-rule, but it does not<br>make it the truth.<br>Always trust yourself. You are the only first-person witness to your story.<\/li><\/ol>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>2 [CAUTION TO READERS: There is a lot of important research and information in this document. However, Elise (now Elisa?) Hategan&#8217;s account of her Heritage Front days is highly unreliable according to people who were involved. &#8212; Paul Fromm]Unmasking Canada\u2019s &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/?p=9054\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9054"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=9054"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9054\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9055,"href":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9054\/revisions\/9055"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=9054"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=9054"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cafe.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=9054"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}<br />
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